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  • Carbon trading fraudsters steal permits worth 2.7 Bn UK in ‘phishing'[ scam

     

    Phishing attacks are similar to online banking scams, in which users are sent emails asking them to enter their details on a facsimile of a website.

    Hans-Jurgen Nantke, the head of the German emissions trading authority, said that users had been warned and new passwords set. But he added it would be impossible to track the European emissions trading scheme permits as they would have been traded soon after they left the companies’ accounts and changed hands several times since.

    He said: “It’s not a problem of carbon trading, it’s a problem of the internet. The phishing attacks on banks has now spread to carbon trading. The phishers have already earned their money so we can’t do anything about the permits. The problem now is to find the culprits and that’s police a matter.”

    Nantke stressed that the German carbon register DEHSt was safe, adding that it has 2,000 companies and only seven were affected. But European carbon trading authorities have not yet confirmed how many companies were affected across Europe.

    Europe’s main mechanism for reducing emissions from industry has been targeted by criminals before. Last year so-called “carousel fraud” criminals were found to be cashing in on permits bought in countries without paying VAT by selling them on with VAT, and then disappearing without handing the VAT to the tax authorities. Three British men were arrested last month in Belgium and accused of failing to pay VAT worth €3m (£2.7m) on carbon credit transactions.

    Barbara Helfferich, environment spokeswoman at the European Commission, said that an investigation had been launched into the phishing attack, but admitted the website had not yet been shut down or the culprits found.

    Helfferich said that preventing future attacks was a priority, particularly because of the new European carbon registry scheduled to begin trading in 2012 which will include permits from the aviation industry. “We’ll have to look at whether we need to improve security for this registry,” she said.

    Carbon trading around the world, beyond the European Union’s emission trading scheme, is done via an international transaction log run by the UN framework convention on climate change (UNFCCC) under the Kyoto agreement.

    The UNFCCC said in a statement on its website: “The secretariat of the UNFCCC has been informed by some national registries operated by parties to the Kyoto protocol that last week, a series of phishing attacks had stolen passwords from some users of these registries.

    “The UNFCCC secretariat is collaborating closely with the remaining national registries to ensure that access to their systems is secured. Meanwhile, these registries have been disconnected from the international transaction log (ITL), which is under the control of the secretariat.

    “The ITL validates and records all transactions of Kyoto protocol units. It has not been subject to interference and remains fully secure and operational.”

  • Scientists, you are fallible. Get off the pedestal and join the common herd

     

    What any layman must find alarming is the paranoia and exclusivity of the climate change community. The preparation of the 2007 report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was apparently like that of a party manifesto. Data was suppressed and criticism ignored. The IPCC’s chairman, Rajendra Pachauri, dismissed sceptics as adherents of “voodoo science”. Dark hints were made of commercial interest and Holocaust denial.

    Now barely a week passes without another of the “thousands and thousands of papers” Pachauri calls in evidence having its peer-review credentials questioned. Their authors may plead that the evidence remains strong and theirs is no more than what lawyers call “noble cause corruption”. Anyone reading the University of East Anglia emails might conclude they would say that, wouldn’t they. Yet Pachauri this week issued a Blairite refusal of all regrets for the chaos into which his sloppiness has plunged his organisation.

    Climatology is not the only scientific discipline whose dirty linen is flapping in the wind. The wildly exaggerated flu scares promoted over the past decade by virologists and their friends in government have so undermined trust in epidemiology that people are refusing flu vaccination. In the case of the MMR scare, it took London’s Royal Free Hospital a shocking 10 years to investigate the scientists responsible, and the General Medical Council to discipline them.

    Last week 14 stem cell researchers accused the science journals on which their reputation (and money) depends of corrupting the peer-review process. They protested at their papers being sent for vetting to known rivals. “Papers that are scientifically flawed or comprise only modest technical increments often attract undue profile,” they said, while original new material was delayed or suppressed. Sending research papers to rivals in a field of potential profitability is like asking General Motors to pass judgment on the latest Ford.

    Science enjoys extraordinary privilege in Britain. The media treats it with the deference of a new clerisy. The BBC devotes exhaustive and uncritical ­coverage to its most obscure doings. Melvyn Bragg dances attendance on the Royal Society. Carol Vorderman is recruited by David Cameron to teach the Tories maths. Fairs and prizes are showered on budding scientists. There are no young bankers of the year, no young management consultants, but young scientists galore. The Times newspaper even boasts a column with the desperate title, Sexy Maths.

    I devour popular science, finding its history and its wonder a constant delight. But the public has been asked to put faith in a single profession that it cannot sustain. It is a mystery how so many science teachers can be so bad at their jobs that most children of my acquaintance cannot wait to get shot of the subject. I am tempted to conclude that maths and science teachers want only clones of themselves, like monks in a Roman Catholic seminary.

    Criticise any field of science these days and you grow accustomed to such gentilities of academic discourse from the laboratory cloister as, “How dare you”, “Get off our patch” and “Jenkins, you are a grade-one ­arsehole”. If you report those who regard wind energy as a costly irrelevance to global warming, you cannot discern from the abuse who does and does not have a financial interest in it. (The same is true of blogs.) If you ­question anti-nuclear scaremongering, the threats are little short of “We know where your children live”.

    Two decades of uncritical flattery appear to have eroded what should be science’s central tenets: questioning evidence and challenging assumptions. In the bizarre case of the Himalayan glacier, enough climate change believers wanted cataclysm to be true for none of them to question the evidence, however implausible. Hence the scientist who told a New York Times reporter: “You are about to experience ‘the Big Cutoff’ from those of us who believe we can no longer trust you.”

    My acceptance of the human causation of global warming has, as yet, not been dimmed by the shenanigans of the IPCC or the chicanery of the University of East Anglia. Nor is the reality of flu undermined by the World Health Organisation and its allies in the drugs industry. Nor should stem cell research be balked by the shortcomings of peer review. I can read the material myself.

    What is alarming is the indifference of the leaders of science to the damage done to their cause. The top professional body, The Royal Society, has shown no inclination to judgment on the climate change controversy. Its ­website remains a bland cheerleader for the IPCC alarmists. The Royal Society took no steps of which I am aware to investigate the scandal of pandemic epidemiology, or the allegations against stem cell peer review. Ethics is not a strong suit of so-called big science. It gets in the way of money.

    Science demands, and gets, a weight of expectation. It wants the public to regard its role in society and the economy as axiomatic – with no obligation to prove it. Government buys into this. While the humanities and even social sciences are dismissed as “consumption goods”, science is an “investment in our future”. A student of English or history is a drone, but a student of science is a hero of the state.

     

    If global warming is as catastrophic as its champions in the science community claim – and as expensive to rectify – its evidence must surely be cross-tested over and again. Yet it has been left to freelancers and wild-cat bloggers to challenge the apparently rickety temperature sequences on which warming alarmism has been built.

    No professional body is checking all this. Assertions are treated as scientific fact even when they come from such lobbyists as the World Wildlife Fund (on whose politics see Raymond Bonner’s At the Hand of Man). If their conclusions are wrong, they are demanding money with false menaces. If they are right, their abuse of evidence and political naivety jeopardises life on earth. The chief government scientist, John Beddington, might have opined last week that “there is fundamental uncertainty about climate change predictions”. What is he going to do about it?

    I regard journalism as fallible and its regulation inadequate. But at least, like most professions, it has some. Only when science comes off its pedestal and joins the common herd will it see the virtue in self-criticism. Until then, sceptics must do the job as best they can.

  • Environmental groups split over calls for IPCC boss to resign.

     

     

    Pachauri has refused to apologise for the claim that Himalayan glaciers would melt away by 2035, which came from a report by green group WWF, who had in turn sourced it from a magazine article. “You can’t expect me to be personally responsible for every word in a 3,000 page report,” he said.

     

    But yesterday John Sauven, director of Greenpeace UK, said Pachauri should have responded faster to the glacier error, after reportedly being told of it in December, before the Copenhagen climate conference. Pachauri has said he first became aware of the problem in January.

     

    Sauven said a new leader at the IPCC could restore confidence in climate science: “If we get a new person in with an open mind, prepared to fundamentally review how the IPCC works, we would regain confidence in the organisation…. [but] if you changed the head, I don’t think that would necessarily restore the credibility of the IPCC.”

     

    Sauven added: “The person at the top has to lead the organisation through a turbulent era when the scientists are in the crosshairs of a sophisticated campaign of disinformation. They will make mistakes, everybody does. Can Pachauri be trusted to be honest, open and transparent if a mistake is made? Does he have the continuing confidence not only of the scientific community but the wider public? These are the key questions he must answer.” The IPCC’s mistake did not undermine the wider body of climate science, Sauven said.

     

     

    However, other green groups defended Pachauri and said he should not resign. Andy Atkins, executive director of Friends of the Earth England, Wales and Northern Ireland, said: “It would be incredible if there wasn’t the occasional error in a work of this size. We don’t see any evidence that he has done anything that warrants his resignation. The danger is that if he is forced to go because of one error, how will we ever get this job done? Who could ever lead this organisation? It would set an incredibly dangerous precedent for the future. If it happened to him it could happen to the next chair.”

     

     

     

     

    Other groups said that there was a danger that public and governments would use the scandal as an excuse to water down pledges to move away from fossil fuels and cut greenhouse gas emissions. “We remain absolutely convinced of the vast body of scientific evidence. The overall integrity of the science remains undented … but the danger is this becomes a distraction from the big decisions that governments have to make,” said Keith Allot, head of climate change at WWF.

     

    Oxfam’s senior climate change policy adviser, Antonio Hill, said that such inaction would have a serious humanitarian impact, and stressed: “Climate change is increasing the day-to-day burdens of poor people and still demands an urgent response.” His warning echoed comments from Pachauri last month, who predicted a surge in climate change scepticism this year could exacerbate hardship for the world’s poorest people.

     

     

     

    Chris Smith, who chairs the Environment Agency, called for perspective and said man-made climate change was happening and the science had not been undermined. “Let’s not allow one or two errors to undermine the overwhelming strength of evidence that has been painstakingly accumulated, peer reviewed, tested and tested again, and that shows overwhelmingly that our emissions of greenhouse gases are having a serious impact on the earth’s atmosphere, and that as a result climate change is happening and will accelerate. We should not underestimate the damage that has been done by the glee with which the sceptics have seized on the one or two scientific mistakes and used them to undermine the whole consensus about the evidence and the conclusions we need to draw from it.”

     

    Yvo de Boer, executive secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, told reporters in New Delhi today it would be “senseless” for Pachauri to take the blame for the error. “I believe that the scientific evidence that is provided by the IPCC has not been shaken in spite of the very unfortunate mistake,” he said.

    He added that Pachauri was a good chairman and “a very vocal advocate of the need to address climate change at the global level”.

  • UK overseas aid ignoring small scale agriculture

    UK overseas aid ignoring small scale agriculture

    Ecologist

    3rd February, 2010

    Department for International Development (DfID) accused of failing to support long-term agricultural programmes and being obsessed with an ‘industrial model’ of food production

    MPs have criticised the Department for International Development (DfID) for overseeing a decline in support for agriculture in international development and ignoring the needs of smallholder farmers who make up the bulk of food production in less industrialised countries.

    A new report, ‘Why no thought for food?’, from the All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Agriculture and Food for Development, revealed that spending on agricultural programmes currently makes up just 3 per cent of DfID’s total annual aid expenditure.

    Sub-Saharan Africa

    In sub-Saharan Africa, where hunger and malnutrition are pronounced, agriculture spending is just 0.3 per cent of the DFID’s total aid spend.

    MPs called on DfID and the UK Government to raise that figure and commit to 10 per cent of overseas aid to food security and sustainable agriculture.

    They said the funding should, as the findings of the groundbreaking IAASTD report recommended in 2008, focus efforts on small scale farmers, especially women smallholders.

    Smallholders

    The report said 500 million smallholder farmers across the less industrialised world faced a daily struggle to produce and provide enough food for their families and the 2 billion people they support.

    It highlighted that in many parts of Africa women farmers make up to 70 per cent of the total agricultural workforce.

    The report also said DfID aid should focus on safeguarding the farmers against unfair land tenure and inheritance and helping them gain access to microcredit facilities.

    MPs also called for increased and longer-term funding for the World Food Programme (WFP) to enable it to work on extended projects. They also called for an end trade-distorting subsidies that discriminated against the poorest countries in the world.

    These kinds of measures, rather than continued support for short term policies like fertiliser, seeds or the dumping of excess commodity produce in the form of food aid, ‘will help countries bring themselves out of hunger,’ said the report.

    DfID reluctance

    Patrick Mulveny, senior policy advisor at Practical Action and part of the global agricultural NGO, The UK Food Group, said the MPs’ report had sent a ‘wake-up call’ to DFID to implement the findings of the International Assessment on Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) report.

    The IAASTD called for a reversal of international development policies and a move away from chemically intensive farming towards promoting localised agro-ecological solutions.

    Mulveny, who as part of The UK Food Group, made similar calls for a focus of aid towards the production of food by local food producers, said there was still a ‘reluctance by DfID to be able to visualise a food system which does not have industrial production at its heart.’

    Dfid say the UK government has pledged £1.1bn for agriculture and food security for the next three years. They also pointed out a number of on-going programmes they had in Africa that showed their commitment to long-term agricultural programmes.

    Useful links
    All Parliamentary Group for Food and Agricultural Development

    The UK Food Group report: More aid for African agriculture
    Dfid case studies on agricultural aid spending
    IAASTD report

  • Emissions drop due to recession, not government, say experts

     

    But energy experts said that the small decline was a result of the recession and record energy prices, rather than government policy. In 2008 petrol prices and utility bills soared, prompting motorists and households to be more frugal. Chris Goodall, energy and environment author, said: “What drove 2008 emissions lower were high energy prices and by the end of the year a decline in economic activity, rather than any structural changes. Although government policies are beginning to work they won’t be enough to meet 2020 targets on their own. It seems that, unfortunately, high energy prices are a more important part of reducing energy demand and emissions.”

    In 2007, according to government estimates, the UK emitted 636.6m tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent. The government issued provisional figures last year indicating that 2008 emissions stood at 623.8m tonnes carbon dioxide equivalent, 2% down on 2007.

  • Fifty-five countries pledge to cut greenhouse emissions

     

    Nonetheless, Yvo de Boer, head of the UN framework convention on climate change (Unfccc), welcomed the pledges. “This represents an important invigoration of the UN climate talks,” he said.

    At the UN climate summit in Copenhagen last year, all countries were asked to register their intentions to support the Copenhagen accord by 31 January. However, the deadline was relaxed last month when it became apparent that many of the world’s poorest countries were reluctant to sign up to the political accord without better understanding of its legal implications or stronger financial assurances. The UN now says the deadline is flexible, possibly allowing countries to submit their plans until next December.

    Many senior figures around the world contacted by the Guardian believe that a legally binding deal in 2010 is now impossible.

    Examination of the pledges shows that no countries have strengthened the commitments which they announced at Copenhagen, despite worldwide condemnation of the lack of ambition shown by world leaders in Denmark. Several rich countries have added clauses which could allow them to reduce emissions later.

    The US, which had pledged 17% cuts on a 2005 baseline by 2020 now says it will cut “in the range of 17%, in conformity with anticipated US energy and climate legislation, recognising that the final target will be reported to the Secretariat in light of enacted legislation”. Canada, too, has amended its Copenhagen target of 17% to make it align “with the final economy-wide emissions target of the US in enacted legislation“.

    Ed Miliband, UK energy and climate secretary, said the figures were “significant”. “If countries, including the EU, implement their commitments to the maximum levels we will be in striking distance of ensuring that global emissions peak by 2020. This is a crucial first step to keeping temperature rises to no more than two degrees.”

    But the pledges made only guarantee the minimum carbon reductions offered by countries, with the higher cuts conditional on other nations following suit.

    Leo Johnson, PricewaterhouseCoopers partner for Sustainability and Climate Change said the cuts were substantially short of what was needed to control climate change. “The Copenhagen Accord pledges are relatively unchanged from those made prior to the Copenhagen Summit. At 9.7 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent, the pledges total just under half the 20GTC02e reduction required from business as usual to stay on the low carbon pathway. There is still a big gap between the pledges and the 2 degree pathway.”

    Greenpeace’s head of the Climate and Energy Campaign agreed. “Together [these cuts] amount only to an 11-19% reduction in their overall emissions. Staying well below the warming threshold requires industrialised nations to cut their greenhouse gas emissions by 40% below 1990 levels by 2020 and provide substantial funding to developing countries which need to reduce their projected growth in emissions by 15-30%.”

    The influential South Centre, a Geneva-based intergovernmental thinktank funded by developing countries, advised countries to be in no hurry to sign. It warned that the Copenhagen accord, created by a small group of countries, could become the blueprint for a new international regime that would replace the Unfccc and the Kyoto protocol, which was created with the unanimous support of all 192 nations.

    “Such a regime of rights and obligations, if based on the Copenhagen accord, would have the potential to drastically curtail the development prospects of developing countries,” it said.

    Country/bloc
    Percentage cut by 2020 (unconditional)
    Percentage cut by 2020 (conditional, e.g. on global deal)
    Base year
    Australia 5 25 2000
    Canada 17   2005
    Croatia 5   1990
    EU 20 30 1990
    Japan   25 1990
    Kazakhstan 15   1992
    New Zealand   20 1990
    Norway 30 40 1990
    Russia   25 1990
    US 17   2005
    Brazil 38.9   “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
    Costa Rica No specific pledge, but will “significantly deviate from business as usual greenhouse gas emissions”    
    Ethiopia No specific pledge    
    Georgia No specific pledge    
    Indonesia 26   “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
    Israel 20   “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
    Jordan No specific pledge    
    Macedonia No specific pledge    
    Madagascar No specific pledge    
    Maldives 1   “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
    Marshall Islands   40 2009
    Moldova 25   1990
    Morocco No specific pledge    
    Republic of Congo 1    
    Republic of Korea 30   “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
    Sierra Leone No specific pledge    
    Singapore   16 “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
    South Africa   34 “business as usual” – the emissions level if no action were taken
      Carbon intensity cuts (the amount of carbon dioxide emitted per unit of economic growth), by percentage   Base year
    China 45   2005
    India 25   2005
    Where targets were submitted as a range, higher figure has been chosen (eg 10-20% for New Zealand is 20% in table)      
           
           
           
           

    “To agree to associate with the accord before seeing its entire contents would be to grant a blank cheque to the proponents of the accord, by accepting a document before some of its most important components are revealed.”