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  • We Can’t Wait: The Cost of Delaying Action to Stem Climate Change

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    We Can’t Wait: The Cost of Delaying Action to Stem Climate Change

    Posted: 07/29/2014 9:03 am EDT Updated: 07/29/2014 1:59 pm EDT

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    COLORADO WILDFIRE

    From severe storms to sea level rise, the United States is already experiencing the impacts of climate change, prompting more policymakers to realize the urgent need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. But some are still claiming uncertainty about the underlying science of climate change, saying it would be better to wait for more data, analysis and time to act. Many of these climate skeptics ground their arguments in pseudo-science, contradicting the fact that at this point there is no doubt that climate change is real, that it is being caused by our activities, and that it is harming the planet and threatening our livelihoods.

    But we do face significant uncertainty about the timing, magnitude, and full consequences of the enormously complex phenomenon of climate change. That uncertainty, however, is an argument for doing more and doing it sooner, not for delaying action further.

    Acting now to put in place policies that reduce carbon emissions is like taking out an insurance policy — you pay less today to insure against the possibility of incurring larger costs in the future, either in terms of the increasing expense of dealing with climate change or in terms of even larger, less anticipated tail risks associated with climate change.

    This week, the Council of Economic Advisers released a report detailing the costs of delaying action to mitigate the greenhouse gas emissions that drive climate change. Our report finds that the costs of achieving a fixed climate change goal would be 40 percent larger if we waited a decade to take action. And those costs could grow exponentially with a longer wait. That’s because, if we delay action in achieving a fixed set of climate goals, then we have to incur greater upfront costs to make up for the years in which additional carbon pollution was released into the atmosphere. Perhaps even more importantly, delay means losing years of research in effective carbon-reducing technologies, along with bigger investments in older, carbon-intensive technologies, meaning that we would have to adopt more stringent and therefore more costly measures in the future to make up for lost time.

    Even worse, the climate targets that are within reach today may become unrealistic if we delay. Instead of higher mitigation costs, the next generation will pay the price through persistent additional economic damages caused by higher temperatures, more acidic oceans, and increasingly severe storms, droughts, and wildfires all resulting from higher greenhouse gas emissions. The report finds that if delay led to stabilizing global temperatures at 3° Celsius above pre-industrial levels instead of 2° Celsius, global output would decline by nearly 1 percent. This is analogous to the United States losing approximately $150 billion of economic output each year.

    Even these estimated additional costs are based on best guesses. There is uncertainty and the ultimate costs of inaction could be higher or lower. But this uncertainty should be seen as additional motivation for action, just as when you buy insurance, especially since the costs in the worst-case scenario are enormous.

    Higher temperatures increase our risk of hitting climatological “tipping points,” like the potential thawing of Arctic permafrost and the subsequent release of huge amounts of methane, a particularly potent greenhouse gas, which would accelerate global warming. The very worst climatological consequences include the possible melting of the Western Antarctic and Greenland ice sheets, large rises in sea levels, extinction events, and widespread disruption of food and water supplies that could spur a global refugee crisis.

    The United States is already acting to reduce carbon emissions. While many thought that emissions would inexorably rise, since 2006 they have fallen in the energy sector by nearly 9 percent. Moreover, while the recession played a role, our analysis at the Council of Economic Advisers finds that half of these emissions reductions were the result of increased efficiency. As economic growth resumed from 2010 to 2013, emissions kept falling by 4.3 percent over those years as a result of phenomenal growth in alternative energy sources. Clean energy research and investment in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act totaling $90 billion and the President’s vehicle fuel economy standards have also played an important role in this trend. And the President’s Clean Power Plan will help reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 30 percent below 2005 levels and improve air quality in our communities.

    All of these actions have substantial net benefits based on our best understanding of the economics and science of climate change. And rather than waiting to address these challenges in the future, taking action today will also save us substantial sums. The United States cannot solve climate change alone. But we are well-positioned to lead the way — and the sooner we act, the sooner the world will join us.

    ___________

    Jason Furman is the Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers and John Podesta is Counselor to the President.

  • Unmasked MONBIOT

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    Posted: 29 Jul 2014 12:35 PM PDT

    The justifications for extreme inequality have collapsed. But only the Green Party is prepared to take the obvious step

     

    By George Monbiot, published in the Guardian 30th July 2014

    When inequality reaches extreme and destructive levels, most governments seek not to confront it but to accommodate it. Wherever wealth is absurdly concentrated, new laws arise to protect it.

    In Britain, for example, successive governments have privatised any public asset which excites corporate greed. They have cut taxes on capital and high incomes. They have legalised new forms of tax avoidance(1). They have delivered exotic gifts like subsidised shotgun licences and the doubling of state support for grouse moors(2). And they have dug a legal moat around the charmed circle, criminalising, for example, the squatting of empty buildings(3) and most forms of peaceful protest(4). However grotesque inequality becomes, however closely the accumulation of inordinate wealth resembles legalised theft, political norms shift to defend it.

    None of this should surprise you. The richer the elite becomes, and the more it has to lose, the greater the effort it makes to capture public discourse and the political system. It scarcely bothers to disguise its wholesale purchase of political parties, by means of an utterly corrupt and corrupting funding system(5,6). You can feel its grip not only on policy but also on the choice of parliamentary candidates and appointments to the cabinet. The very rich want people like themselves in power, which is why we have a government of millionaires(7).

    But that describes only one corner of their influence. They fund lobby groups, thinktanks and economists to devise ever more elaborate justifications for their seizure of the nation’s wealth(8). These justifications are then amplified by the newspapers and broadcasters owned by the same elite.

    Among the many good points Thomas Piketty makes in Capital in the 21st Century – his world-changing but surprisingly mild book – is that extreme inequality can be sustained politically only through an “apparatus of justification.”(9) If voters can be persuaded that insane levels of inequality are sane, reasonable and even necessary, then the concentration of income can keep growing. If they can’t, then either states are forced to act, or revolutions happen.

    For the notion that inequalities must be justified sits at the heart of democracy. It is possible to accept that some can have much more than others if one of two conditions are met: either that they reached this position through the exercise of their unique and remarkable talent; or that this inequality is good for everyone. So the network of think tanks, economists and tame journalists must make these justifications plausible.

    It’s a tough job. If wages reflect merit, why do they seem so arbitrary? Are the richest executives 50 or 100 times better at their jobs than their predecessors were in 1980? Are they 20 times more skilled and educated than the people immediately below them, even though they went to the same business schools? Are US executives several times as creative and dynamic as those in Germany? If so, why are their results so unremarkable?

    It is, of course, all rubbish. What we see is not meritocracy at work at all, but a wealth grab by a nepotistic executive class which sets its own salaries, tests credulity with its ridiculous demands and discovers that credulity is an amenable customer. They must marvel at how they get away with it.

    Moreover, as education and even (in the age of the intern) work becomes more expensive, the opportunities to enter the grabbers’ class diminish. The nations which pay the highest top salaries, such as the US and Britain, are also among the least socially mobile(10). Here, you inherit not only wealth but opportunity.

    Aha, they say, but extreme wealth is good for all of us. All will be uplifted by their god’s invisible hand. Their creed is based on the Kuznet’s curve, the graph which appears to show that inequality automatically declines as capitalism advances, spreading wealth from the elite to the rest.

    When Piketty took the trouble to update the curve, which was first proposed in 1955, he discovered that the redistribution it documented was an artefact of the peculiar circumstances of its time. Since then the concentration of wealth has reasserted itself with a vengeance(11). The reduction in inequality by 1955 was not an automatic and inherent feature of capitalism, but the result of two world wars, a great depression and the fierce response of governments to these disruptions.

    For example, the top federal income tax rate in the US rose from 25% in 1932 to 94% in 1944. The average top rate throughout the years 1932 to 1980 was 81%. In the 1940s, the British government imposed a top income tax of 98%(12). The invisible hand? Hahaha. As these taxes were slashed by Reagan and Thatcher and the rest, inequality boomed once more, and is exploding today. This is why the neoliberals hate Piketty with such passion and poison: he has destroyed with data the two great arguments with which the apparatus of justification seeks to excuse the inexcusable.

    So here we have a perfect opportunity for progressive parties: the moral and ideological collapse of the system of thought to which they were previously in thrall. What do they do? Avoid the opportunity like diphtheria. Cowed by the infrastructure of purchased argument, Labour fiddles and dithers(13).

    But there is another party, which seems to have discovered the fire and passion that moved  Labour so long ago: the Greens. Last week they revealed that their manifesto for the general election will propose a living wage, the renationalisation of the railways, a maximum pay ratio (no executive should receive more than 10 times the salary of the lowest paid worker), and, at the heart of their reforms, a wealth tax of the kind Piketty recommends(14).

    Yes, it raises plenty of questions, but none of them are unanswerable, especially if this is seen as one step towards the ideal position: a global wealth tax, that treats capital equally, wherever it might lodge. Rough as this proposal is, it will start to challenge the political consensus and draw people who thought they had nowhere to turn. Expect the billionaires’ boot boys to start screaming, once they absorb the implications. And take their boos and jeers as confirmation that it’s onto something. You wanted a progressive alternative? You’ve got it.

    www.monbiot.com

    References:

    1. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jul/29/farcical-tax-system-cheating-billions-chase-avoiders

    2. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/apr/28/britain-plutocrats-landed-gentry-shotgun-owners

    3. Clause 144, Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012.

    http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2012/10/section/144/enacted

    4. http://www.monbiot.com/2011/03/29/the-freedom-swindle/

    5. http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/jul/01/-sp-tory-summer-party-drew-super-rich-supporters-with-total-wealth-of-11bn

    6. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/oct/29/capitalism-bankrolls-politics-pay-price

    7. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/election/article-1280554/The-coalition-millionaires-23-29-member-new-cabinet-worth-1m–Lib-Dems-just-wealthy-Tories.html

    8. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/oct/17/millionaires-corporations-tax-breaks-sway-opinion

    9. Thomas Piketty, 2014. Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Harvard University Press.

    10. Thomas Piketty, as above.

    11. Thomas Piketty, as above.

    12. Thomas Piketty, as above.

    13. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jul/28/supine-labour-lets-tories-daub-lipstick-pig-austerity

    14. http://greenparty.org.uk/assets/files/Wealth%20Tax%20briefing%20July%202014.pdf

  • Daily update: Why Australian households are desperate for battery storage

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    Daily update: Why Australian households are desperate for battery storage

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    Why Australian households are desperate for battery storage; Can Green Charge kick-start energy storage leasing boom?; First PV modules installed at Australia’s biggest solar plant; Dirty 170MW coal plant mothballed in VIC; The Australian lambasted for misleading article on deep ocean cooling; Citizen-funded solar system installed at SA community centre; Wind beats nuclear,CCS for global warming mitigation; NY utility proposes community solar, microgrids-as-a-service; How does the RET affect your power bills?; and Germany set for record installation of onshore wind in 2014.
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    Households are looking to get more value from rooftop solar systems, particularly as utilities are paying nothing for their output. New research shows that competitive pricing for solar and storage is closer than we think, paving the way for massive solar arrays and battery storage in the suburbs. But is that the best outcome?
    Record fundraising by US energy storage start-up indicates confidence in innovative leasing model – and could signal a market boom to match rooftop solar.
    First Solar begins installation of 1.35m PV modules for AGL’s Nyngan Solar Plant in NSW – Australia’s largest, and the largest in the Southern Hemisphere.
    One of Australia’s oldest and most polluting coal-fired power stations, HRL’s Energy Brix in Victoria’s Latrobe Valley, is being shut down.
    The authors of research used by an article in The Australian on deep ocean cooling have taken the newspaper to task for its coverage of their work.
    The myth is that only nuclear can be scaled to sufficient capacity to reduce the impacts of global warming should be ignored.
    As NY debates proposal to reform state’s distribution utilities, Central Hudson Gas & Electric is getting out in front of the coming changes.
    The RET review is due to be handed to the federal government any day now, yet there are still conflicts over the impacts it has over electricity costs.
    Germany installs 1.7 GW of onshore wind so far this year and remains on course for record level for 2014 – thanks to policy changes.
  • Facing Facebook: Australia’s Cap-and-Tax HANSEN

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    Facing Facebook: Australia’s Cap-and-Tax
    I am sorry that I can’t respond to each individual comment on my last post, especially from our friends in Australia, but a general response is available here, on my web page, or on our program web page.

    ~Jim
    29 July 2014

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  • Why Investors Support a Price on Carbon

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    Why Investors Support a Price on Carbon

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    Generating clean energy in New Zealand. Jondaar_1/Flickr Creative Commons

    By Stephanie Pfeifer, Institutional Investors Group on Climate Change (Europe); Nathan Fabian, Investor Group on Climate Change (Australia/New Zealand); Chris Davis, Investor Network on Climate Risk (North America); and Alexandra Tracy, Asia Investor Group on Climate Change.

    The British economist Lord Nicholas Stern has labelled climate change “the greatest market failure the world has ever seen.” Failing to put a price on carbon emissions leaves the market with no way to address the harm created by these emissions. And with no cost attached to a harmful activity, participants in the market have no incentive to pursue less harmful alternatives. Thankfully, this is changing.

    About 40 national and more than 20 sub-national jurisdictions globally have implemented or are scheduled to implement carbon pricing schemes. The world’s emissions trading schemes are valued at about $30 billion, with China home to the world’s second largest group of carbon markets, covering the equivalent of 1,115 million tons of carbon dioxide emissions, after the 2,309 million tonnes covered by the EU’s Emissions Trading Scheme.

    This progress is good news, and furthering the spread of carbon pricing is essential. Putting a price on carbon reduces emissions and the costs associated with these emissions, costs that end up being borne by everyone, including companies and societies, through an array of impacts resulting from climate change.

    But a carbon price must provide a strong economic signal which stimulates investment in favour of low-carbon alternatives. A weak price with no long-term certainty does little to encourage low-carbon investment.

    This is why an effective carbon price signal is so important for investors. When conventional fuel carries an appropriate cost for its emissions, low-carbon and renewable energy can compete over time on an increasingly level footing.

    In addition to encouraging investment in low-carbon generation, a carbon price also provides investors an incentive to pursue other low-carbon activities, such as tilting portfolios away from high-carbon investments, as they have a clearer view of the economic cost of holding high-carbon assets. However without an effective price signal, the same incentives do not exist and investments get delayed or cancelled.

    And delays and cancelled projects have been the reality in the EU, where the collapse of the carbon price due to an over-supply of credits has left investors unwilling to invest on the basis of a weak signal and no long-term certainty. However, the struggles of the EU ETS have provided important learnings for other countries and jurisdictions setting up their own schemes.

    California’s carbon market – the third largest in the world after China and the EU – includes both a price ceiling and a price floor, and the price has remained within expectations at around $12 a tonne since launch in late 2012. It has also coincided with a growing economy and increased renewable energy investment.

    China’s piloting of seven different emissions trading schemes was in part informed by its study of the problems the EU ETS has faced.  The lessons of these schemes will inform a national ETS to be launched by 2020. And many carbon trading schemes are looking at the viability of formal linkages, following the example set by California and the province of Quebec earlier this year.

    However the global trend towards carbon pricing is not uniformly positive.  In Australia, a carbon tax which has successfully reduced emissions and driven low-carbon investment has been repealed.

    Carbon pricing is the most cost-effective way of reducing emissions and directing investment away from high-carbon to low-carbon energy projects. But to be effective, the price must be economically meaningful. With the deadline for a global climate deal approaching, we are entering a decisive period for climate action.

    Policymakers should seize the learning opportunity afforded by the diversity of emissions trading schemes to establish new carbon markets and improve existing ones. The continued improvement and expansion of carbon pricing is crucial to a low-carbon energy future.

    Photo: Generating clean energy in New Zealand. Jondaar_1/Flickr Creative Commons

  • Worldwide solar power capacity is 53X higher than 9 years ago! Wind power 6.6X higher!

    Worldwide solar power capacity is 53X higher than 9 years ago! Wind power 6.6X higher!

    Solar and Wind Power

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    Who said there’s no progress?

    Exponential growth might not seem like much at first, but after enough time has passed, things start to happen really quickly. Case in point, renewable energy has been around for decades, yet we’ve made more progress increasing capacity in the past few years than in all the preceding decades. Take wind power for example:Renewable Energy Policy Network/Screen capture

    China is widening its lead over the US with 16.1 gigawatts of extra capacity added in 2013, and while 2013 wasn’t the best year for wind for various reasons, if we look at the cumulative global total, the long-term trend is very healthy.

    Things could start moving faster in the US if it finally starts harnessing offshore wind power more.

    Renewable Energy Policy Network/Screen capture

    That’s a 6.6X increase since 2004, and a 18.7X increase since 2000! It’s always dangerous to extrapolate in the future, but let’s just say that in 2013 the world added twice as much new wind power as the whole world had in 2000. It took decades to reach 17 gigawatts of capacity, and the world added 35 gigawatts just last year. Not too shabby!

    Renewable Energy Policy Network/Screen capture

    But in many ways, solar power is growing even more impressively than wind. Until a few years ago, wind power was all the rage because solar was considered to be too expensive in most places (which wasn’t true if you took into account all the externalities of fossil fuels…). So the installed solar base in 2004 was much smaller than the equivalent wind power base in the same year. But since then, things have exploded, mostly thanks to lower costs for solar cells, forward-looking countries creating pro-solar policies, and solar installers making the whole process easier for both their residential and commercial customers.

    Above you can see that China is investing massively in solar too, going from the 5th position to the 2nd in a single year and almost doubling the new capacity of Japan. But despite that, Germany is still ahead because they started investing into solar earlier than most; but at their current rate, they will only keep their lead for a year or two.

    Renewable Energy Policy Network/Screen capture

    This chart is really interesting! Global solar PV capacity was just 3.7 gigawatts in 2004. And in 2013 it reached 138 GW, with nothing but more growth on the horizon. In fact, if Elon Musk builds his solar panel gigafactories, things could actually accelerate as costs drop quickly and supply stays ahead of demand.

    Renewable Energy Policy Network/Screen capture

    When you bring it all together, you get the chart above. Hydropower is still by far the biggest source of renewable energy, but solar and wind are growing much faster, so they should catch up and surpass it in the years to come.

    Note the great performance of solar hot water capacity, which is higher than both wind and solar PV. More sunny parts of the world should deploy solar water heaters rather than heat their water with dirty energy (natural gas, electricity from fossil fuels, etc).

    Renewable Energy Policy Network/Screen capture

    All this renewable energy growth creates a lot of jobs. Note that the graph above doesn’t include jobs from large-scale hydropower, so if you count it, the numbers are much higher.

    Update: How are we going to store all that intermittent renewable energy from the sun and the wind? How about a grid-scale battery made with… gravel?!

    Via Renewable Energy Policy Network, Ars Technica

    Tags: China | Renewable Energy | Solar Power | Wind Power