Author: admin

  • US news works for Israel

    Almost universally in the U.S. media, including on National Public Radio, the captured Israeli soldier is being referred to as a hostage and his capture is referred to as a "kidnapping."

    Note that Israeli jails are brimming with captured Palestinian fighters, but this is not called kidnapping, nor are they called "hostages," though they often end up getting their freedom in in exchange for the return of captured Israeli soldiers who are referred to as "hostages," not prisoners.

    Take this story in the June 27 issue the New York Times, which states:

    "The Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, ordered his security services on Monday to find a kidnapped Israeli soldier in the Gaza Strip…

    "…The groups holding him said that before any information would be disclosed, israel must release all Palestinian women in its jails and all Palestinian prisoners under the age of 18."

    The same linguistic bias occurs with regularity in the coverage of the Iraq War and occupation, with resistance fighters in Iraq routinely referred to in the U.S. media as "terrorists." On the rare occasions when those "terrorists" have managed to capture a U.S. soldier, those incidents are referred to as "kidnappings," too.

    Meanwhile, captured Iraqi fighters are often referred to as criminals when caught, not as prisoners of war.

    It is no accident that this perversion of language is occurring. The Pentagon and the Israeli government both use this biased language in their briefings to reporters, and the U.S. media lap it up and recite it uncritically.

    The problem with this is that the average American then has a warped perspective on two important conflicts that are profoundly affecting the political and economic situation here at home in the United States. These readers and viewers, by uncritically accepting the abased terminology that is presented to them, end up assuming that the U.S. and Israel are fighting crime and terror in Palestine and Iraq, when in fact both nations are fighting wars against people who, far from being criminals, are for the most part committed fighters who believe they are fighting in defense of their own nations. That is why they fight so hard and so courageously against such overwhelming odds.

    How are Americans going to understand the depth and passion of the resistance to U.S. aggression in Iraq, if they are led by the media’s misuse of language to believe that our troops are simply fighting bandits and criminals? How are we to understand the interminable horrors of the Israel/Palestine conflict if we are told that it is simply a battle between the good guys (the Israeli Defense Force), and the bad guys (a bunch of Palestinian hoodlums)?

    The media should at least be forced to be even-handed. If Palestinians are "kidnapping" Israeli soldiers when they capture them, then the Israelis are "kidnapping" Palestinians when they do the same. Otherwise, let’s concede that both are capturing their opponents and holding them prisoner.

    And while we’re at it, let’s start calling Iraqi fighters what they are: resistance fighters, not terrorists.

  • 9/11 Professor sacked

    Churchill’s attorney promptly called a news conference Monday afternoon to announce that his client does intend to appeal to the tenure committee. He also mentioned going to court.

    Churchill, who ignited a firestorm by calling some of the World Trade Center victims "little Eichmanns" in an essay he wrote after Sept. 11, 2001, has vowed to sue the school if he was fired.

    "We’re going to a real court because we can trust juries to do the right thing," said Churchill’s attorney David Lane. "Churchill says this all completely bogus. Let’s see if a jury and a Federal District Court agrees with the committee. Or see if everything that’s happened here is retaliation for Ward Churchill’s First Amendment free speech relating to 9/11."

    The tenured professor of ethnic studies has repeatedly denied all accusations of misconduct.

    He told The Associate Press in mid-June, "The basic situation here is that there was a call by high officials in the state, notably the governor but hardly restricted to the governor, for my termination clear back last February, whether or not it was legal. They were willing to take the heat and go to court if necessary to stand behind an illegitimate investigation."

    When his essay was brought to light in January 2005, Gov. Bill Owens, state lawmakers and relatives of Sept. 11, 2001 victims in New York immediately denounced it. University officials concluded Churchill could not be fired for the essay, but in March 2005 they launched an investigation into allegations of plagiarism and other research misconduct.

    "A committee last year began to look at his writings including his essay on 9/11," said DiStefano. "We determined his writings were protected under the First Amendment. However, during that process there were allegations of research misconduct."

    Last month, an investigative subcommittee concluded that Churchill repeatedly fabricated his research, plagiarized others’ work and strayed from the "bedrock principles of scholarship."

    Churchill called the investigation "a kangaroo court" designed to reach the conclusion that he should be fired.

    "A university is a marketplace of ideas, a place where controversy is no stranger," said Distefano. "An opinioned discourse is applauded. But as is true of all liberties enjoyed by all Americans with freedom, comes responsibility."

    Owens supported the chancellor’s decision in a statement Monday. "I applaud the Chancellor’s decision. If the university is the marketplace of ideas, then Mr. Churchill is the rotten fruit among hundreds of good apples," Owens said. "Hopefully we can say good riddance to Ward Churchill once and for all."

  • Israel says it like it is

    1. "There is a huge gap between us (Jews) and our enemies ­not just in ability but in morality, culture, sanctity of life, and conscience. They are our neighbors here, but it seems as if at a distance of a few hundred meters away, there are people who do not belong to our continent, to our world, but actually belong to a different galaxy." Israeli president Moshe Katsav. The Jerusalem Post, May 10, 2001

    2. "The Palestinians are like crocodiles, the more you give them meat, they want more"…. Ehud Barak, Prime Minister of Israel at the time – August 28, 2000. Reported in the Jerusalem Post August 30, 2000

    3. " [The Palestinians are] beasts walking on two legs." Menahim Begin, speech to the Knesset, quoted in Amnon Kapeliouk, "Begin and the Beasts". New Statesman, 25 June 1982.

    4. "The Palestinians" would be crushed like grasshoppers … heads smashed against the boulders and walls." " Isreali Prime Minister (at the time) in a speech to Jewish settlers New York Times April 1, 1988

    5. "When we have settled the land, all the Arabs will be able to do about it will be to scurry around like drugged cockroaches in a bottle." Raphael Eitan, Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defence Forces, New York Times, 14 April 1983.

    6. "How can we return the occupied territories? There is nobody to return them to." Golda Maier, March 8, 1969.

    7. "There was no such thing as Palestinians, they never existed." Golda Maier Israeli Prime Minister June 15, 1969

    8. "The thesis that the danger of genocide was hanging over us in June 1967 and that Israel was fighting for its physical existence is only bluff, which was born and developed after the war." Israeli General Matityahu Peled, Ha’aretz, 19 March 1972.

    9. David Ben Gurion (the first Israeli Prime Minister): "If I were an Arab leader, I would never sign an agreement with Israel. It is normal; we have taken their country. It is true God promised it to us, but how could that interest them? Our God is not theirs. There has been Anti – Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but was that their fault ? They see but one thing: we have come and we have stolen their country. Why would they accept that?" Quoted by Nahum Goldmann in Le Paraddoxe Juif (The Jewish Paradox), pp121.

    10. Ben Gurion also warned in 1948 : "We must do everything to insure they ( the Palestinians) never do return." Assuring his fellow Zionists that Palestinians will never come back to their homes. "The old will die and the young will forget."

    11. "We have to kill all the Palestinians unless they are resigned to live here as slaves." Chairman Heilbrun of the Committee for the Re-election of General Shlomo Lahat, the mayor of Tel Aviv, October 1983.

    12. "Every time we do something you tell me America will do this and will do that . . . I want to tell you something very clear: Don’t worry about American pressure on Israel. We, the Jewish people, control America, and the Americans know it." – Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, October 3, 2001, to Shimon Peres, as reported on Kol Yisrael radio. (Certainly the FBI’s cover-up of the Israeli spy ring/phone tap scandal suggests that Mr. Sharon may not have been joking.)

    13. "We declare openly that the Arabs have no right to settle on even one centimeter of Eretz Israel… Force is all they do or ever will understand. We shall use the ultimate force until the Palestinians come crawling to us on all fours." Rafael Eitan, Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defense Forces – Gad Becker, Yediot Ahronot 13 April 1983, New York Times 14 April 1983.

    14. "We must do everything to ensure they [the Palestinian refugees] never do return" David Ben-Gurion, in his diary, 18 July 1948, quoted in Michael Bar Zohar’s Ben-Gurion: the Armed Prophet, Prentice-Hall, 1967, p. 157.

    15. "We should prepare to go over to the offensive. Our aim is to smash Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, and Syria. The weak point is Lebanon, for the Moslem regime is artificial and easy for us to undermine. We shall establish a Christian state there, and then we will smash the Arab Legion, eliminate Trans-Jordan; Syria will fall to us. We then bomb and move on and take Port Said, Alexandria and Sinai." David Ben-Gurion, May 1948, to the General Staff. From Ben-Gurion, A Biography, by Michael Ben-Zohar, Delacorte, New York 1978.

    16. "We must use terror, assassination, intimidation, land confiscation, and the cutting of all social services to rid the Galilee of its Arab population." Israel Koenig, "The Koenig Memorandum"

    17. "Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you because geography books no longer exist. Not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahlal arose in the place of Mahlul; Kibbutz Gvat in the place of Jibta; Kibbutz Sarid in the place of Huneifis; and Kefar Yehushua in the place of Tal al-Shuman. There is not a single place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population." Moshe Dayan, address to the Technion, Haifa, reported in Haaretz, April 4, 1969.

    18. "We walked outside, Ben-Gurion accompanying us. Allon repeated his question, What is to be done with the Palestinian population?’ Ben-Gurion waved his hand in a gesture which said ‘Drive them out!’" Yitzhak Rabin, leaked censored version of Rabin memoirs, published in the New York Times, 23 October 1979.

    19. Rabin’s description of the conquest of Lydda, after the completion of Plan Dalet. "We shall reduce the Arab population to a community of woodcutters and waiters" Uri Lubrani, PM Ben-Gurion’s special adviser on Arab Affairs, 1960. From "The Arabs in Israel" by Sabri Jiryas.

    20. "There are some who believe that the non-Jewish population, even in a high percentage, within our borders will be more effectively under our surveillance; and there are some who believe the contrary, i.e., that it is easier to carry out surveillance over the activities of a neighbor than over those of a tenant. [I] tend to support the latter view and have an additional argument:…the need to sustain the character of the state which will henceforth be Jewish…with a non-Jewish minority limited to 15 percent. I had already reached this fundamental position as early as 1940 [and] it is entered in my diary." Joseph Weitz, head of the Jewish Agency’s Colonization Department. From Israel: an Apartheid State by Uri Davis, p.5.

    21. "Everybody has to move, run and grab as many hilltops as they can to enlarge the settlements because everything we take now will stay ours… Everything we don’t grab will go to them." Ariel Sharon, Israeli Foreign Minister, addressing a meeting of militants from the extreme right-wing Tsomet Party, Agence France Presse, November 15, 1998.

    22. "It is the duty of Israeli leaders to explain to public opinion, clearly and courageously, a certain number of facts that are forgotten with time. The first of these is that there is no Zionism,colonialization or Jewish State without the eviction of the Arabs and the expropriation of their lands." Yoram Bar Porath, Yediot Aahronot, of 14 July 1972.

    23. "Spirit the penniless population across the frontier by denying it employment… Both the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discreetly and circumspectly." Theodore Herzl, founder of the World Zionist Organization, speaking of the Arabs of Palestine,Complete Diaries, June 12, 1895 entry.

    24. "One million Arabs are not worth a Jewish fingernail." — Rabbi Yaacov Perrin, Feb. 27, 1994 [Source: N.Y. Times, Feb. 28, 1994, p. 1]

    25. "We Jews, we are the destroyers and will remain the destroyers. Nothing you can do will meet our demands and needs. We will forever destroy because we want a world of our own." (You Gentiles, by Jewish Author Maurice Samuels, p. 155).

    26. "We will have a world government whether you like it or not. The only question is whether that government will be achieved by conquest or consent." (Jewish Banker Paul Warburg, February 17, 1950, as he testified before the U.S. Senate).

    27. "We will establish ourselves in Palestine whether you like it or not…You can hasten our arrival or you can equally retard it. It is however better for you to help us so as to avoid our constructive powers being turned into a destructive power which will overthrow the world." (Chaim Weizmann, Published in "Judische Rundschau," No. 4, 1920)

  • The Cabal, Outed

    The answer is that the foundations for this massive propaganda blitz and subsequent ratcheting-up of war hysteria were laid at about the same time as the Iraqi misadventure was conceived. The same people who lied us into war with Iraq have all along been deeply involved in a similar effort in regard to Iran: indeed, the two projects are intimately intertwined, as Laura Rozen – a senior correspondent for The American Prospect and one of the most consistently interesting reporters on the international affairs beat in Washington – reveals in her latest piece, " Three Days in Rome?", which appears on the Web site of Mother Jones magazine.

    Both efforts came together at a secret meeting between intelligence operatives of at least three nations, held on Dec. 21, 2001, in Rome. Hosted by SISMI, the intelligence section of the Italian military, this clandestine conclave – featuring both the storied and the soon-to-be-famous – had an agenda as varied as the attendants. Over three days, American, Italian, and Iranian participants – including Manucher Ghorbanifar, the infamous wheeler-dealer at the center of the Iran-Contra scandal – discussed Middle East politics, exchanged bits of gossip, and then got down to the real business of plotting regime-change in Iran. Rozen writes:

    "Even as Chalabi and company were spinning tales in Washington about how Saddam’s regime would collapse with only a minor effort from the United States, the administration’s Iran hawks were eager to hear the same about Tehran – and to that end, Ghorbanifar had delivered a special guest. The guest was ‘a very high-level ex-Revolutionary Guard,’ Ghorbanifar later told me. ‘His situation was so high that the Italian intelligence network, in order to prove he had a special mission to Italy, created a kind of fake cover itinerary to give him an excuse to the Iranian authorities.’"

    Rozen cites Tyler Drumheller, former CIA spook-in-chief for Europe, as remarking:

    "They drag these guys out and say they’re from the Revolutionary Guard. In fact, they’re actually from some rug store. In any city, it’s an industry."

    Ghorbanifar’s legendary dodginess was nearly equaled, however, by some of the other participants, particularly in the American delegation:

    • Harold Rhode, a specialist on Islam who speaks Hebrew, Arabic, Turkish, and Farsi, and a veteran of the Office of Special Plans set up by DoD Undersecretary for Policy Douglas Feith, which played such a key role in legitimizing Ahmed Chalabi‘s lies about Iraq’s alleged WMD.
    • Larry Franklin, a Pentagon analyst whose specialty is Iran, a neoconservative ideologue, another OSP alumni – and a confessed spy for Israel.
    • And last, but far from least, Michael Ledeen, another veteran of Iran-Contra – he brokered the connection between Israel and the Iranians, enabling the weapons to pass from the former to the latter – and the would-be Svengali behind an elaborate scheme to push the U.S. into a showdown with the mullahs.

    The campaign to topple the regime in Tehran is utilizing the same back-channel model that served the neoconservatives so well before. Their method was to stovepipe disinformation disguised as "intelligence" directly into the White House, where all manner of fibs found expression in presidential proclamations of Iraq’s indubitable perfidy. The OSP, or some other makeshift official sub-agency created especially for this purpose, would do an end run around the mainline intelligence organizations, such as the CIA and the Defense Intelligence Agency, cherry-pick bits and pieces of data that fit into a preconceived conceptual model, and serve up the resulting concoction of canards as fact or near-certainty. These parallel intelligence-gathering and -disseminating operations were disbanded after their goals – misleading the Congress, the executive branch, and the American people – were achieved, and the resident operatives quickly went on to their next project: bamboozling us into war with Iran.

    Surely the ground has been well-prepared for such a conflict. To begin with, the invasion and occupation of Iraq could have led to nothing else. With Sunni-Ba’athist domination a thing of the past, the Iranians were bound to extend their influence deep into the " liberated" country. The winning coalition in the much-touted elections owes its political existence – and much of its funding – to the mullahs, who succored them when they were exiled during the years of Saddam’s rule, training the militias which are now Shi’ite death squads and giving the future lords of Baghdad refuge on Iranian soil. What is, in effect, a rising Shi’ite super-state would naturally collide with American ambitions in the Middle East, and the result – given the invasion of Iraq – is almost geographically fated to occur.

    Secondly, however – and more importantly – a well-motivated cadre of warmongers stood ready in the wings, waiting for the right moment to begin agitating for war relentlessly. We are now living in that moment. It is fascinating to see how the roots of the present "crisis" were planted, and Rozen does an excellent job of reporting some of the little-known facts:

    "Rhode sent a classified cable from the telex room of the U.S. Embassy in Rome back to the Pentagon, reporting that the group had ‘made contact with Iranian intelligence officers who anticipate possible regime change in Iran and want to establish contact with the United States government.’ The cable, portions of which were obtained by Knight Ridder’s Washington bureau, continued, ‘A sizable financial interest is required.’"

    Isn’t it always?

    Just what that Rome meeting – and at least two subsequent meetings – was all about, and who authorized it, have remained rather murky and obscure subjects. The Pentagon has kept mum and stubbornly resisted efforts by congressional investigators to get at the truth. But Rozen is on the job:

    "The real story, as I learned in the course of a two-year investigation that took me from sterile Washington offices to smoky exile pubs in Paris, is more interesting. It’s also not over. As the crisis with Iran deepens and moves to the fore, the Bush administration is putting in place key elements of the vision spun in part by the men at the Rome meeting. In a new campaign to ramp up pressure on the Iranian regime, millions of dollars are pouring into exile groups, anti-regime propaganda, pro-democracy projects, and intelligence gathering. State Department and intelligence personnel are being deployed to the region and new Iran operations offices are being ‘stood up’ in the State Department and Pentagon – the latter even featuring some of the names familiar from the pre-Iraq-war Office of Special Plans."

    The second phase of the War Party’s Middle East regime-change project is now moving into high gear. The same sort of tall tales we heard from Chalabi & Co. are now coming from Ghorbanifar, including a story about a secret store of weapons-grade uranium that somehow passed from Iraq to Iran (Aha! So that "explains" the curious case of the missing WMD! Talk about killing two birds with one stone…). What doesn’t get into the White House "talking points" will doubtless make it into future issues of The Weekly Standard.

    The Bush administration is currently ladling out $75 million to various Iranian exile groups, and the gold rush is on: every major player and fly-by-night operator in the "democracy-promotion" racket is eager to cash in, and not just monetarily. We have to ask, aside from those who directly profit from this tremendous outpouring of taxpayer dollars, who really benefits from this effort? Who is pushing for war with Iran – and why?

    The role played in these intrigues by former Pentagon analyst and convicted spy Larry Franklin should give us more than a hint. Franklin spent 2003 and a good part of 2004 passing classified information [.pdf] to two employees of AIPAC, the premier pro-Israel lobbying organization in Washington: Steve Rosen, the longtime sparkplug of the group’s energetic lobbying efforts, and Keith Weissman, AIPAC’s Iran specialist. A good part of this information was focused on U.S. relations with Tehran, including internal U.S. government deliberations, and especially Iran’s nascent nuclear research activities. This information was given to Rosen and Weissman with the clear understanding that it would be passed on to Israeli officials.

    Franklin, then, was acting as a conscious agent of a foreign power, even as he conspired with Ledeen and Rhode to topple the Tehran regime and worked assiduously to pass off Chalabi’s fabrications as fact. Who else in this cabal was acting in a similar capacity? Ledeen, we know, is the founding director of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs ( JINSA), which has very close connections to Israeli military and intelligence circles, and Rhode is a neoconservative ideologue who, as Chalabi’s unofficial handler,

    "Quickly alienated most of the American military and civilian pros in the country by saying all manner of unfortunate things about Arabs, Iranians, and Muslims in general. Later he holed himself up with Chalabi at the latter’s hunt-club headquarters and bombarded Washington with faxes about plans to install Chalabi as the George Washington of Iraq. Following his subsequent recall – not so voluntarily, we hear – Rhode showed up sitting next to Chalabi in the front row at Vice President Dick Cheney’s rally-the-neocon-troops speech at the American Enterprise Institute in July."

    With Franklin an admitted spy for Israel, Ledeen – the Israel-Iran go-between in the arms-for-hostages deal between Reagan and the mullahs – and Rhode, the rabidly anti-Arab ideologue, we have a commonality of interests that is hard to avoid. If ever there was a living demonstration of the thesis advanced by professors John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, in their Harvard University paper " The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy," then this is it. As the London Review of Books version of their piece averred:

    "Pressure from Israel and the Lobby was not the only factor behind the decision to attack Iraq in March 2003, but it was critical. Some Americans believe that this was a war for oil, but there is hardly any direct evidence to support this claim. Instead, the war was motivated in good part by a desire to make Israel more secure."

    This thesis has been controversial – the Lobby has struck back, and brutally, by labeling the two brave professors bigots, and that is one of the milder accusations – but if we look at the cast of characters deeply involved in what we might call Project Regime Change (Middle East version), we can only nod in agreement. The Iraq war, and now the looming conflict with Iran, will go down in history as two of the most successful covert actions ever undertaken by a foreign government on U.S. soil. As Professor Paul W. Schroeder put it in a piece for The American Conservative on the case against invading Iraq:

    "It would represent something to my knowledge unique in history. It is common for great powers to try to fight wars by proxy, getting smaller powers to fight for their interests. This would be the first instance I know where a great power (in fact, a superpower) would do the fighting as the proxy of a small client state."

    War with Iran will be the second instance – engineered by the same cabal that cooked up the first.
     
    Find this article at:
    http://www.antiwar.com/justin/?articleid=9214

  • The weapon of last resort

    The massing of heavy weaponry around the Gaza Strip, and the aerial bombardment of vital civilian installations in Rafah such as power plants and bridges in prelude to an all-out invasion, show absolutely clearly that Israeli leaders never learn the lesson of history.

    Their predecessors tried similar tactics before: in Lebanon in the 80s, in Jenin in 2002 and in Gaza all the way up to Sharon’s unilateral and unconditional withdrawal from the beleaguered Gaza Strip. What has been the outcome? Resistance against occupation never ceased, the bloodshed on both sides is continuing and the conflict is as bitter as it has always been.

    In addition, the current adventure exposes the profoundly racist nature of Israel’s ruling elite. As far as it is concerned, the Palestinians are not entitled to the right of equal human dignity. Indeed, in its lexicon, such a concept does not even seem to exist.

    That is why 10,000 Palestinian prisoners of war in Israeli detention camps, including several hundred women and children, are deemed to be of no value whatsoever, whereas a single Israeli prisoner of war deserves a major onslaught on the most defenceless and densely populated strip of land on the face of the earth.

    Only 24 hours before Palestinian militants managed to capture the Israeli soldier in an attack on an Israeli post just outside Gaza the Israelis kidnapped two Hamas activists and took them away, allegedly because they had been contemplating an attack on Israel.

    It is highly unlikely that Israel will be able to save its soldier through military action. This was tried before, and failed miserably. In October 1994, Hamas’s al-Qassam Brigades captured Nachshon Vaxman, an Israeli soldier in the Golani Infantry Brigade. The captors barricaded themselves and their hostage in a house located in the village of Bir Nabala, near the West Bank city of Ramallah, and demanded the release of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for the safe return of the soldier.

    Working on intelligence communicated to them by the Palestinian Authority about the location of the hideout, and while pretending they were preparing to meet the demands of the captors, the Israelis started planning a rescue operation. An Israeli defence force (IDF) special forces unit raided the hideout but failed miserably: the hostage, his captors and the Israeli unit’s commander were killed in the process.

    It will do neither Israel nor its captured soldier much good to inflict collective punishment on the inhabitants of Gaza or to go rounding up Hamas officials, including MPs and government ministers, in various West Bank towns. Israel’s best option would be to negotiate the terms for the safe return of Gilad Shalit.

    The demands of the captors are legitimate. This soldier is a prisoner of war, and so are the 10,000 Palestinians held captive by Israel. An exchange seems fair and sensible. The captors are only asking for the women and the children, whom Israel has no right to keep in its custody anyway. Had Israel truly sought an end to its occupation of the Gaza Strip, it should have given its people back their sons and daughters when it withdrew its troops from there.

    In fact, part of the failure of Israel’s unilateralism is that it keeps major issues unresolved. The most crucial of all issues to Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank is that of the Palestinian prisoners – hence the solid support the Palestinian public is showing for the tactic of capturing Israeli soldiers in order to exchange them for Palestinian prisoners.

    Had Israel taken the initiative as part of its unilateral withdrawal from Gaza to release the Palestinian prisoners, much of the tension would have been defused. Hours after it transpired that the Israeli missing soldier had been captured, families of Palestinian prisoners gathered in Gaza to demand that the soldier be kept alive and treated well in the hope that he would be exchanged for their loved ones.

    Undoubtedly, the Israeli adventure into Gaza will cost many Palestinian lives and will cause enormous suffering. But it will cost Israeli lives, too, and will add fuel to the fire of the conflict between the two sides. Many Palestinians feel that whatever suffering the Israeli onslaught may bring, it will not make things much worse than they already are.

    Since Israel withdrew unilaterally from the strip, life has not been easy; there has been an almost daily Israeli shelling of several border areas, and the entire population has been at the receiving end of sanctions imposed on the Palestinians as a punishment meted out to them for electing Hamas.

    Furthermore, the Israeli claim that the capture of the IDF soldier was ordered by Hamas’s leader, Khalid Mish’al, who should therefore expect to be assassinated, is not only unfounded but also very dangerous. Israelis ought to know that blaming Syria or Hamas leaders in Damascus for the crisis will only augment it and may lead to an escalation at the level of the entire region.

    The fact is that the Palestinian people inside Gaza Strip and the West Bank have tried all means available to them to secure the release of their sons and daughters in Israeli detention and have been left with no option but to capture Israeli soldiers to exchange them. To blame Syria, or the Hamas leaders who live there, is to insist on evading the real issue: as long as there are Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails the problem will persist.

    None of this might have happened had the US and the European Union seized the opportunity created by Hamas’s success in the elections last January. Hamas would have extended its unilateral truce into a long-term ceasefire agreement, had the world community recognised it as a legitimate representative of the Palestinians and sought to persuade the Israelis that dealing with Hamas was their best option.

    It is not too late for the world community to make a move. Israel should be stopped from pursuing its military adventure and encouraged to engage immediately in negotiations to guarantee the safe return of its soldier in exchange for the freedom of Palestinian women and children. The next step would be to get the Israelis to negotiate a long-term truce with the elected government of the people of Palestine.

    The British government, in particular, can play a leading role in mediating an end to the current crisis, as it did in the early months of the second intifada. Britain, which has led the drive within Europe to proscribe Hamas and spearhead the sanctions against the Palestinians, should now lead the effort to mediate a peaceful settlement based on a long-term truce between the two sides.

  • Israeli attack on Gaza is Racist

    Of course, Olmert’s comment, and the deep-seated racism at the heart of Israeli politics that it seems to expose, can be rationalised with the claim that it is not unreasonable that an Israeli Prime Minister would be more concerned about the lives of Israeli citizens than those of the Palestinian ‘enemy’. After all, this is "war", is it not? Well, yes and no. Yes, if your definition of "war" is:

    • to dispossess an entire people from large parts of their land
    • shepherd them into refugee camps
    • exile others and refuse them a right to return
    • manipulate international opinion via the mainstream press and demonise the dispossessed people as terrorists when they resist your brutal measures against them
    • deprive them of any real means to resist yet when they do manage to strike back, portray them as being a greater source of evil than you
    • isolate them from any international aid and begin a process of slowly making their lives into a living hell
    • periodically murder them, including many children to an average of 600 per year and then lie about it and ensure that their suffering is played down in the international mainstream press.

    When stating his belief that Israeli citizens were inherently more worthy than their Palestinian brothers and sisters, Olmert made the comparison between the people of Gaza and the inhabitants of the Israeli town of Sderot who, as stated, have been making a lot of noise about their suffering from rockets fired by the palestinian resistance. The important details, which are as usual ignored by the mainstream press, are that, in the 9 day period from June 14th – June 23rd this year, 14 innocent Palestinian civilians were murdered by the IDF as part of the effort to stop the firing of rockets at Sderot. Yet in the past 5 years, just 5 Israeli citizens have been killed by such rockets, despite the fact that hundreds have been fired.

    The simple fact of the matter is that , if the Israeli government was truly only concerned with protecting Israeli citizens and bore no visceral, racist hatred towards Palestinians, then we would surely be much further along the road to a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But it is hard to convince anyone that your primary goal is defence when:

    • your air force fires 1,000 missiles per week at a 7×30 mile strip of land (Gaza) that is home to over 1.4 million impoverished people (Palestinians), 50% of whom are under the age of 15.
    • 3012 Palestinian Civilians have been killed by Israeli Occupation Forces forces in the Occupied Palestinian Territories since the beginning of the Palestinian uprising (Intifada) in 2000.
    • 22,750 Palestinians have been wounded by Israeli Occupation Forces in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in the same period.

    And all of this when:

    • in the same period approximately 700 Israeli civilians have been killed as a result of Palestinian attacks
    • during all of 2005, just six Israeli Occupation Forces were killed by Palestinian resistance fighters

    Yet the Israeli government does a very good job of convincing the whole world that it is the victim in the conflict. How can this be? Israeli control of the press? Could that ubiquitous "conspiracy theory" actually be closer to a conspiracy fact? I don’t really care, all I want is for someone to explain to me how, in a situation where there is massive evidence that 1.4 million completely isolated Palestinian civilians in the Gaza strip are being systematically murdered and starved by the state of Israel with its shiny 21st century military and all the tax dollars and support America can muster, somehow the entire world believes that those 1.4 million dispossessed are "evil terrorists" and "only have themselves to blame".

    Somebody, please tell me how it comes to pass, if not by control of the mainstream press, and very significant control at that.

    In fact, save yourself the bother, here’s how it happened:

    9 Israeli children’s deaths were reported in the headlines or first paragraphs of AP articles on the Israel/Palestine conflict in 2004, when 8 had actually occurred.

    During the same period only 27 out of 179 Palestinian children’s deaths were reported. Additionally, Palestinian children made up a disproportionately large number of Palestinian deaths in general. Children’s deaths accounted for 21.8% of the Palestinians killed, while children’s deaths accounted for only 7.4% of Israelis killed during this period. 22 times more Palestinian children were killed than Israeli children.

    AP reported on 113% of Israeli children’s deaths in headlines or first paragraphs, while reporting on only 15% of Palestinian children’s deaths. That is, Israeli children’s deaths were reported at a rate 7.5 times greater than Palestinian children’s deaths.

    You might want to consider this one also, and realise that, if the BBC "favors Israel", then American networks are positively "in love" with Israel:

    BBC news ‘favours Israel’ at expense of Palestinian view

    Dan Sabbagh,
    Media Editor BBC News
    May 3rd 2006

    The BBC’S coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict implicitly favours the Israeli side, a study for the BBC Governors has concluded.

    Deaths of Israelis received greater coverage than Palestinian fatalities, while Israelis received more airtime on news and current affairs programmes. The references to “identifiable shortcomings” surprised BBC News executives, who are more used to accusations that their coverage is routinely anti-Israel. […]

    Gaza power station destroyed by Israeli Air Force

    In any case, within a few days of Olmert’s remarks about the Palestinian people and their lack of innate worth, Olmert himself clarified exactly how he feels about Palestinians by way of his response to the capture by the Palestinian resistance of a single Israeli soldier.

    Enshrined in article four of the third Geneva convention is the right of a people to physically resist the invasion and occupation of their land by a foreign power. Nowhere in the world do we find a clearer example of an unjust and illegal occupation and oppression of a land and its people than in the Israeli annexation and occupation of Palestine. On the morning of Sunday June 25th, Palestinian resistance fighters, using a tunnel they had dug under the border fence with Israel, launched an attack on an Israeli army check point on the southern border of the Gaza strip. Such IDF check points are an integral part of the Israeli military apparatus that is being used to terrorize and oppress the Palestinian people in the Gaza strip including the denial of basic provisions like food and water, and as such, are legitimate military targets. The Palestinian attack left 2 IDF soldiers dead with one, Cpl. Gilad Shalit, taken prisoner. Three Palestinian resistance fighters were also killed.

    The Palestinians currently holding Cpl. Shalit have made it clear that their goal is a prisoner exchange. Israel is currently detaining, or rather interning, thousands of Palestinians, many of them innocent civilians. Among them are women and small children. Indeed, the three militant groups who claimed responsibility for the capture of Cpl. Shalit have stated that they would release him in return for the release of Palestinian women and children under the ago of 18 held in Israeli jails. Sounds like a reasonable offer, right? Unsurprisingly, Israel refused the offer. Ffalling back on the much-used "we don’t deal with terrorists", Olmert stated that there would be no negotiations – either Shalit is handed over, or the residents of the Gaza strip would suffer the dire consequences.

    Now, I know what you are thinking: all of this seems to suggest that Israeli politicians and military advisors don’t want their precious soldier back, that they want to use him as an excuse to attack Hamas and the people of Gaza and maybe start a war with Syria. Heck, you might even be thinking that the Israeli military and government actually knew that a Palestinan attack by tunnel in that area was planned, and maybe decided to allow it to happen to create a crisis. Indeed, it is very possible that one or other (or both) of these scenarios is very close to reality.

    The initial response by the Israeli government to the capture of Cpl. Shalit was to escalate the standoff and bomb the main power station and several bridges (two days ago) in Gaza, cutting off power and water to most of the 1.4 million people living there. Palestinian workers have said it may take up to 6 months to repair. No power, no water, for 6 months. But before you decide on the appropriateness or otherwise of such an ‘opening salvo’ that punished 1.4 million people in one go, including 700,000 children under 15 years of age, let me just update you on the conditions, imposed by Israel, in which Gazans were living even before this latest aggression.

    For close to 60 years, through its original and continuing theft and occupation of Palestinian land, the Israeli government has been in flagrant violation of international law. Repeatedly over that time, the Israeli army has, and continues to engage in what are clearly crimes against humanity in its attempts to utterly extinguish any form of Palestinian resistance and therefore the inherent right of the Palestinian people to oppose Israeli government barbarism and murder.

    The forced migration and ethnic-cleansing of Palestinian civilians from their homes and property in 1948, referred to as the Nakba of Palestine, led to the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians to neighboring countries and various countries around the globe. The State of Israel was established on Palestinian towns and villages that had been cleansed of their original inhabitants. Palestinian civilians were scattered and Palestinian refugees came to the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Lebanon and Syria. Most of these refugees continue to live in refugee camps, including 8 camps in the Gaza Strip. These refugees lost their property, land, homes and livelihoods and were therefore subjected to a state of poverty, deprivation and exposure.

    – 1967 constituted a continuation of the sequence of poverty and deprivation for Palestinians. IDF (Israeli Defence Forces) occupied the Gaza Strip and West Bank. This occupation was accompanied by uprooting of more Palestinians and the creation of more refugees. As a result, the state of poverty and deprivation was exacerbated.

    – IDF imposed a number of policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, including the annexation of Jerusalem. These policies included the issuing of a series of military orders that facilitated the confiscation of hundreds of thousands of dunums of Palestinian land and control of Palestinian resources, particularly water resources. These policies ensured Israeli control over the consumer and production sectors of the Palestinian economy, making it a market for Israeli products and a source of cheap labor. In addition, a heavy tax system was imposed, which led to a decrease in the income of Palestinians.

    – The living standards of Palestinians decreased at the end of 1987 after the eruption of the popular uprising (Intifada) in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. This led to an increase in poverty among civilians. IDF imposed restrictions on Palestinian labor in the Israeli market, resulting in the loss of work for tens of thousands of laborers, who now joined in the ranks of the unemployed.

    – In 1991, living standards in the Occupied Palestinian Territories deteriorated further due to outbreak of the Second Gulf War. A large number of Palestinians lost work in the region as a result. Many families depended on money transfers from expatriates, particularly those working in the Gulf states (Iraq). In addition, monetary transfers from the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) to the West Bank and Gaza Strip decreased due to the loss of funding from Gulf states.

    – The Palestinian National Authority (PNA) was established in 1994 after the signing of the Oslo accords between the PLO and the government of Israel. The accords were based on the Declaration of Principles signed in Washington in 1993. Palestinians were soon disappointed, however, when the economic prosperity expected from the peace agreement was not achieved, especially in light of international promises to establish a developed Palestinian economy. Contrary to promises made, IDF continued to strengthen its control over Palestinian natural resources, as well as control over all border crossings linking the Occupied Palestinian Territories to the outside world or to Israel, and control of the movement of goods and individuals.

    – In 1996, IDF introduced policies of comprehensive closure and siege of Palestinian territory. IDF isolated the West Bank and Jerusalem from the Gaza Strip, depriving Palestinians of geographical contiguity. In addition, IDF prevented thousands of Palestinian laborers from reaching their work places in Israel, resulting in the increase of unemployment rates. The living standards of tens of thousands of Palestinian families deteriorated and poverty rates increased.

    – On 29 September 2000, the "Al-Aqsa Intifada" erupted. Since then, IDF have imposed a comprehensive closure on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, which has led to a halting of economic exchange and which has paralyzed economic and production sectors. More than 120,000 Palestinian laborers from the Occupied Palestinian Territories were prevented from reaching their workplaces inside Israel as a result of closure. In addition, thousands of Palestinians employed in the local market became unemployed due to the closure of workshops and factories, which were affected by the closure policy or were damaged/ destroyed by IDF. Unemployment rates reached unprecedented levels, which further exacerbated the poverty problem in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

    – From September 2000 to the end of 2005, the number of Palestinian civilians killed by IDF and Israeli settlers reached 2,936, including 651 children and 106 women. Tens of thousands of Palestinians were injured. The injured included 8,662 injured people from the Gaza Strip, including hundreds who now suffer from permanent disabilities.

    – IDF carried out extensive destruction of Palestinian property. This destruction included the bulldozing of agricultural land, demolition of agricultural and industrial establishments, as well as destruction of infrastructure. PCHR documented the bulldozing and uprooting of over 31,699 dunums of agricultural land in the Gaza Strip, comprising approximately 20% of the agricultural land in the Strip.

    – IDF actions and the comprehensive closure affected the living standards of Palestinian families. Unemployment reached unprecedented levels, resulting in raised poverty rates. The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) indicates that the percentage of Palestinian families living under the poverty line increased to more than 64% from the beginning of Al-Aqsa Intifada to April 2001, meaning that over two million Palestinians were living under the poverty line. The geographical distribution of these impoverished Palestinians was 55.7% in the West Bank and 81.4% in the Gaza Strip.[2]

    – The Special UN Rapporteur on the Right to Food in the Occupied Palestinian Territories classified families living on brink of a humanitarian disaster. He indicated that the main reason behind this situation was the strict security procedures imposed by IDF on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, since the outbreak of Al-Aqsa Intifada on 29 September 2000. The Rapporteur indicated that acute malnutrition in the Gaza Strip was on the same scale as that seen in poor countries of the Southern Sahara Given the fertile nature of Palestinian land, such comparisons were startling.

    More than 22% of Palestinian children under the age of 5 suffer from malnutrition, including 9.3% suffering from acute malnutrition, 13.2% suffering from chronic mal-nutrition and 15.6% suffering from acute anemia. It is expected that this will lead to long-term negative effects on the physical and cognitive development of many of these children. More than half of Palestinian families eat one meal a day only. Food consumption in Palestinian families dropped by 25-30% per person, especially protein intake. The number of Palestinians living under extreme poverty multiplied threefold since the beginning of the Al-Aqsa Intifada.

    – PCBS also indicates that the percentage of families that face extreme difficulties in obtaining healthcare for children during the Intifada is 41%, 32.1% in the Gaza Strip and 44.6% in the West Bank. Anemic children in the 6-59 months age group, 41.6% face extreme difficulties in obtaining healthcare.

    – International organizations, including humanitarian organizations working in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, foresee catastrophic humanitarian effects in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in general and the Gaza Strip in particular. World Bank estimates indicate that unemployment is expected to rise to 40% in 2006 and to 47% by 2008. The economic and social situation will be more acute in the Gaza Strip and northern West Bank, where unemployment and poverty rates are high and work is dependent on the PNA civilian and security branches. Some organizations estimate that unemployment in the Gaza Strip will reach 60%. Other estimates point to poverty rates in the Occupied Palestinian Territories rising to 67% in 2006 and to 74% by 2008.

    – International organization data indicate that the policy of closure imposed by the Israeli government on the Occupied Palestinian Territories has led to the loss of nearly two-thirds of the international aid donated to Palestinians since the establishment of the PNA.

    Israeli soldiers pray before entering Gaza

    At present then, having cut off electricity and water to a people already suffering terribly and who possess no effective means of defending their lives or the lives of their children, the Israeli military has begun shelling the Gaza strip under "Operation Summer Rain" (of bombs). Palestinians have fled the areas being occupied by the Israeli military which is poised to launch a wholesale invasion of Gaza, during which, we can be sure, many Palestinians will be killed as "collateral damage" for which Mr Olmert will undoubtedly shed crocodile tears. At the same time, Olmert’s government is apparently seeking to escalate the matter by ordering Israeli (American-financed) jets to overfly the home of Syrian President Assad in an act of unmitigated belligerence which, coincidentally occured just a few hours after U.S. ambassador to Israel, Richard Jones, stated that the problem behind the Israeli hostage crisis is in Syria, at the home of Hamas’s exiled political supremo Khaled Meshaal, who Israel and America claim is being sheltered by the Syrians. The Syrians, for their part, activated their air defences and claim to have forced the Israeli jets to flee.

    But before you start to think that there is more to this than meets the eye, I would like to remind you that the Israeli government would like to remind you that all of this is about one thing and one thing only – bringing a poor Israeli boy home to his parents. In saying this, I am not dismissing the life or plight of Cpl. Gilad Shalit, but as a soldier, he knew the risks involved, however small, in participating in the maintenance of the brutal oppression of the Palestinian people. In "war" ( however inappropriate that term is for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) there are soldiers and there are civilians. What Cpl. Shalit probably had not bargained for however, was that his life would be used by Israeli politicians in an opportunistic attempt to settle their regional and ‘internal’ problems once and for all.

    What I want you to ask yourself is what the details of this conflict, and the current escalation over the capture of Cpl. Gilad Shalit, say about the value that Israeli politicians assign to the lives of Palestinian civilians, simply as a people, and what, if any, parallels with events in Europe from 1939-1945 come to mind.

    I am also waiting on someone to explain to me what mechanism exists to ensure that the details of the conflict, particularly those damaging to Israel, are systematically denied to the international community, and how it is that Israel can possibly be promoted in the mainstream press as the ‘victim’. Perhaps an indicator is to found in a very relevant recent news story that you surely also somehow missed. It concerns Dana Olmert, the daughter of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, who created a stir recently when she joined 200 demonstrators outside the Tel Aviv home of Dan Halutz, the Israel Defense Forces chief of staff, to protest the murder of those 14 Palestinian civilian adults and children who were accidentally murdered by the IDF as they went about their job of "fighting terrorism".

    The abovementioned Israel Defense Forces chief of staff, Dan Halutz is an interesting guy. In August 2002, he ordered the Israeli airforce to drop a one tonne bomb on an occupied apartment block in Gaza where, he claimed, a Hamas member was living. The Hamas leader was killed, along with 14 innocent civilians. When hearing of this "collateral damage", Halutz told his top gun crew:

    "Guys, you can sleep well at night. I also sleep well, by the way. You aren’t the ones who choose the targets, and you were not the ones who chose the target in this particular case. You are not responsible for the contents of the target. Your execution was perfect. Superb. And I repeat again: There is no problem here that concerns you. You did exactly what you were instructed to do. You did not deviate from that by so much as a millimeter to the right or to the left. And anyone who has a problem with that is invited to see me."

    When questioned by a reporter about the morality of the strike and about the feelings of a pilot when he drops a bomb, Halutz stated:

    "That is not a legitimate question and it is not asked. But if you nevertheless want to know what I feel when I release a bomb, I will tell you: I feel a light bump to the plane as a result of the bomb’s release. A second later it’s gone, and that’s all. That is what I feel."

    There you have it then. To the Israeli oligarchs, the death of Palestinian civilians is "superb", and they feel nothing when they kill women and children. What more can I say – either someone does something about these sick pyschopaths, or they, and their kind in Washington and around the world, will destroy us all.