Author: admin

  • Bring on the population debate

     

    In reply the Prime Minister, in an effort to calm people’s fears, returns to a favourite playbook of his, putting in place a process for dealing with our population future which the Coalition dismissively describes as coming up “with a plan for a plan”. By appointing Tony Burke as Australia’s first Population Minister the Prime Minister is responding to people’s concerns, he’s acting, but let’s be honest, he’s not in any hurry and Minister Burke is instructed to come up with the basis of population policy in 12 months time. That’s after the election.

    A scare campaign countered by a delaying tactic. Both disguised as responsible policy.

    That’s the bald politics of it, now how about some facts.

    Let’s take the easy one first.

    Asylum seekers arriving by boat are NOT a threat to our population levels and have no place in this debate. Australia takes around 13,500 refugees every year, a number that is capped, so boat arrivals granted refugee status end up as part of that 13,500, reducing the number taken from what’s called ‘the orderly refugee migration program’.

    So if our level of population is the issue, and the immigration numbers within that, you can safely leave asylum seekers out of it.

    So why are Tony Abbott and his immigration shadow, Scott Morison, linking the two? Well it does feed into Tony Abbott’s consistent criticism of Kevin Rudd’s performance. If you can’t manage our borders how can you manage the bigger issue of our immigration levels?

    But critics believe there’s some dog whistling going on too? One senior Liberal described it to me as a “clear and deliberate message that is wrong and dangerous”. He and others on both sides of politics also concede privately that the issue of asylum seekers is once again a big issue across many electorates.

    There’s plenty of Australians who don’t like the idea of people rocking up on boats from faraway places, nor do they much like the idea of high immigration; an ironic yet historic truth about this country of immigrants, many of us are frightened by the idea of being “overrun”.

    I was speaking to one cabbie recently who told me Kevin Rudd had lost his vote because he couldn’t stop the boats coming as he promised and asylum seekers were now being brought to the mainland. He then admitted he himself was an asylum seeker granted refugee status after, wait for it, arriving on a leaky boat.

    It’s a complex issue for any government to manage and that’s what Tony Abbott is counting on.

    Time for some more facts.

    The Opposition says it will cut immigration numbers in order to keep our population levels at a manageable level, reducing the immigration intake down from 300,000 per year under Labor now to around 180,000 per year or below.

    The shadow minister says 300,000 is “out of control” and getting immigration to a sustainable level will obviously mean cuts right across the program, though he doesn’t say where.

    It’s true immigration numbers did shoot up under Labor but most of the increase was in the temporary visa categories of foreign students and temporary workers brought in under the 457 visa scheme. In both categories the surge began under the Howard government.

    At the end of the last financial year of the Howard government, the net migration intake was at 230,000 per year.

    Demographer Peter McDonald says immigration levels are about to plummet to around 180,000 per year and that the Government and the Opposition both know it. That’s because the Rudd Government has closed the loophole in the overseas student program which basically saw international colleges spring up around the country offering cooking and hairdressing courses, but in reality they were little more than backdoor visa factories.

    Earlier this year the Rudd Government changed the skilled migration entry conditions and cut the link between studying here and gaining a visa, and in response overseas student applications have dropped by 17 per cent.

    The Government also slashed the number of 457 visas, used by business to fill immediate skill shortages. The category had swelled during the boom times at the end of the Howard years and in the early days of the Rudd Government, but the demand for workers during the global financial crisis fell.

    Peter McDonald says we will see a lift-off in the 457 visa category again soon because it’s the only way to sustain the latest resources boom and give mining companies access to the labour force they need.

    In contrast, he says our overseas education industry will shrink steeply, not just because of the changes made by the Rudd Government but also because of fierce international competition in this profitable education market.

    The high Australian dollar makes us less competitive. Add to that the pressure universities in the United Kingdom and the United States are under, due to shrinking endowments for American universities as a result of the GFC and substantial cuts to British university budgets, and you can bet they will be actively in the hunt for more foreign students to boost their coffers.

    Overseas students are a money spinner, in this country bringing in $17 billion per year and creating tens of thousands of jobs.

    Another fact worth noting in this debate over immigration and population levels is the number of New Zealanders moving here. There’s currently over 500,000 Kiwis living in this country, that’s 100,000 more than there were just 5 years ago, and the bulk of the new arrivals are choosing to live in Queensland, adding to the considerable population pressure building up in parts of that state.

    Yes, the thought of 36 million Australians is overwhelming if you’re stuck in traffic in Sydney, trying to find a house to buy, let alone afford, in south-east Queensland, or worried about reliable drinking water supplies in Adelaide.

    That’s why we do need a population policy.

    What we don’t need is a scare campaign around immigration to kick it off.

    A population policy is about a lot more than immigration. It’s about our national infrastructure, our roads and hospitals and suburbs and public transport. It’s about housing supply and an affordable housing market. It’s about jobs.

    Its about the environment and sustainability. Former Australian of the year Tim Flannery says this continent should only support a population of less than 16 million. In 1994 the Keating government had a committee for long-term strategies chaired by Barry Jones which found 23 million was our optimum population level.

    Yet we are on a path to 36 million. How will our parched landscape cope with that, where will the water come from, how will we reduce our carbon emissions if we’re increasing our population at such a rate?

    And speaking of climate change, what if our Pacific neighbours find themselves drowning as sea levels rise, won’t there be an expectation that we will reach out and invite them in to dry land – literally to dry land?

    The Opposition calls for a plan to rein in our immigration numbers in a bid to manage our population levels yet it presents little in the way of a plan for substantial cuts to our carbon emissions.

    There’s also scant, conflicting and confusing detail about its intentions when it comes to immigration levels. In fact now Scott Morrison says a cut to immigration is not official Opposition policy. So what is the policy?

    The Opposition Leader’s call for unspecified cuts to immigration has displeased the business community which regards immigration as vital for economic growth and also made many in his own party room unhappy that this important and divisive issue was unleashed in the guise of opposition policy without being discussed internally first.

    When Tony Abbott announced his generous and controversial paid parental leave scheme funded by a tax on business without clearing it with his colleagues he described it as a “leaders call” which he promised would be a “rare thing”. Not one month later and he seems to have made another one, even more controversial.

    In January Tony Abbott said he has no problem with increasing Australia’s population as long as we’ve got the infrastructure to deal with it. He appeared to be endorsing the Prime Minister’s backing for a big Australia, albeit with caveats.

    Fair enough. Bring on the population debate, because without a plan to sustainably support a 30 million plus population many Australians will start to resist and resent immigration and that will always be a difficult debate to have and to manage. But If Tony Abbott is sincere about a sustainable population policy lets dump the ad hoc, contradictory and inflammatory talk and get serious about it.

    Fran Kelly is a presenter on the ABC’s Radio National Breakfast program.

  • Tas governor explains why he chose LABOR

    Tas governor explains why he chose Labor

    By Patrick Caruana, AAP April 9, 2010, 5:44 pm

     

     

    Tasmanian Governor Peter Underwood did not believe the Liberals could form a stable government when he decided on Thursday that Labor should retain government following the March 20 election’s split result.

    Mr Underwood on Thursday invited Premier David Bartlett to test his numbers in the state’s lower house, after the poll delivered 10 seats to both Labor and the Liberals, and five to the Greens.

    The decision was a surprise.

    Mr Bartlett on Wednesday had advised the governor to accept his election campaign promise that he would resign as premier in the event of a tie if the Liberals emerged with the greatest overall vote.

    On Thursday, the Tasmanian Greens decided to back a minority Labor government.

    The governor on Friday released his reasons for allowing Mr Bartlett the chance to secure the confidence of the lower house.

    “I came to the conclusion that (Liberal leader Will) Hodgman was not in a position to form a stable government,” Mr Underwood said in a statement.

    “Consequently, I was obliged to send for Mr Bartlett.

    “I … told him that as he was still the holder of my commission to form a government and the premier of the state, he had a constitutional obligation to form a government.”

    Mr Hodgman said Mr Bartlett had recanted on a promise to allow him the first opportunity to try to form government and had doctored a document he gave to Mr Underwood detailing a pledge not to move a no-confidence motion against any Liberal minority government.

    “From what I understand, Mr Bartlett or his office has provided an incomplete transcript which excludes that most important and significant commitment that in my view should have been provided to His Excellency,” Mr Hodgman told reporters in Hobart on Friday.

    Mr Bartlett maintains he never made that promise, saying he had only given the promise to advise Mr Underwood to allow Mr Hodgman the first chance to form government because the Liberal Party secured more primary votes.

    “I kept my commitment to the Tasmanian people that in the event of a 10-10 result, with the Liberals receiving more of the overall popular vote, I would give the Liberals, via my advice to His Excellency, the first opportunity to form government,” Mr Bartlett said.

    But Mr Underwood said it was not for Mr Bartlett to decide who should govern.

    “The commissioning of a person to form a government is entirely the governor’s prerogative and it is not within the gift of any political leader to hand over,” Mr Underwood said.

    “The total number of votes received by the elected members of a political party is constitutionally irrelevant.”

    Mr Bartlett on Friday also denied doing a deal with the Greens, saying he hadn’t had talks with the party since “well before” election night.

    “It was as much a shock to me yesterday as it was to anyone that (Greens leader) Nick McKim made that move,” he told ABC Radio.

     

  • The population discussion going on behind closed doors

    The population discussion going on behind closed doors

    There are two population debates going on in Australia.

    The first is the public debate that has inundated the media in recent weeks; all about forecasts, sustainability, infrastructure, economics, demographics and really serious-sounding matters.

    The second is the subterranean debate that’s rarely discussed in public because it contains two unpalatable truths that require … oxymoron coming … really careful handing by politicians and media.

    Unpalatable Truth #1: The majority of Australians are opposed to meaningful population growth, dislike the idea of high levels of immigration and want political refugees refused entry. These unfortunate attitudes are supported in poll after poll — this one and this one in recent days and weeks.

    Unpalatable Truth #2: There is private acknowledgement among government and strategic decision-makers that Australia has a moral responsibility, as the richest and most underpopulated nation in the Asian region, to be seen to be growing its population and assuming its share of humanitarian migration. This is partly because of the terrible optics of a fortress Australia approach, and partly because such an approach is so out of sync with population trends in our region that it could generate enough resentment among our neighbours to present a serious security risk to Australia.

    Of course our political leaders are aware of these unpalatable truths, and talk about them privately. But they also know they are dynamite issues that, if raised in public, need to be handled with care so that they don’t incite the wrong kind of populist debate that wedges politicians into make the wrong kinds of decisions for Australia’s long-term interests.

    The unnerving part of where we are now is not the existence of the unpalatable truths. It’s the spectre, six months or so from a federal election, of the growing temptation on one side of politics to deploy the dog whistle for a purely electoral dividend.

  • The population discussion going on behind closed doors.

     

    Of course our political leaders are aware of these unpalatable truths, and talk about them privately. But they also know they are dynamite issues that, if raised in public, need to be handled with care so that they don’t incite the wrong kind of populist debate that wedges politicians into make the wrong kinds of decisions for Australia’s long-term interests.

    The unnerving part of where we are now is not the existence of the unpalatable truths. It’s the spectre, six months or so from a federal election, of the growing temptation on one side of politics to deploy the dog whistle for a purely electoral dividend.

  • The Debate We had to have

     

    It’s a debate that matters, because population underpins so much that is important in our democracy. From roads and public transport to the number of schools and aged-care facilities our society needs, demography is destiny. Infrastructure, climate change policy, healthcare, national security — if you can think of a big policy issue, the size and age of our population affects it.

    But Australia still doesn’t have a formal population policy. As the Government itself has been stressing, there is no formal target for the number of people we think should eventually live here.

    Last week Kevin Rudd announced that Tony Burke would become Australia’s very first Minister for Population. You could be forgiven for asking whether Burke wanted the job, given the difficult political terrain he will be asked to navigate.

    Barely a week in, Burke has already featured prominently in the news, and been forced to defend Rudd’s now-notorious statement of belief in a “big Australia”. For instance, yesterday he was on the phone to Alan Jones, reiterating the Government’s line that the 36 million by 2050 figure found in the latest inter-generational report is “a projection”, not government policy.

    Burke clearly understands the size of the policy challenge that confronts him. “I don’t think either side of politics has ever really grappled with it — and that’s what are some of the limits on the carrying capacity of Australia and whether or not we have the infrastructure in place to be able to deal with a higher population,” he told Jones.

    Of course, Australia hasn’t always had an ambivalent attitude to population policy. In the 1940s and 1950s, Australian governments enthusiastically welcomed immigrants to our shores under the rubric “populate or perish”, with schemes for assisted migration such as the famous “10-quid tourists” from Britain.

    And in the 1990s, Barry Jones chaired a parliamentary inquiry into Australia’s population carrying capacity: a pioneering study which established for the first time the crucial links between our population levels and the land and water resources required to support them.

    But population policy in Australia is inextricably linked to one of our most sensitive political issues: immigration. And, for a range of reasons, immigration shears by Australia’s deepest political fault-lines. Guilt about Aboriginal dispossession, xenophobia and racism, concern about environmental degradation, humanitarian hospitality for refugees and business requirements for skilled labour are all in the mix.

    As the popularity of One Nation in 1998 and 2001 in certain parts of the country showed, many Australians are quite uncomfortable with high levels of immigration — despite Australia’s manifestly successful efforts to welcome millions of people to our shores. Population policy is inherently tied up with immigration, and immigration is always going to be unpopular with many people.

    The Government hasn’t been helped by the latest inter-generational report, which projects a population of 36 million by 2050. Because 2050 is still 40 years away, the figure looks frighteningly big.

    As a recent poll by the Lowy Institute suggests, many of us appear to have contracted a dose of sticker shock, as we contemplate the over-crowded commuter trains and traffic jams our cities already experience. But, in an uncharacteristically sensible article in The Australian, Greg Sheridan points out that the projected population increase is much slower than Australia’s rapid growth after World War II. The media, meanwhile, have been busy reporting that Australians are opposed to our population reaching 36 million so quickly.

    While Labor’s strategists must be wondering why Rudd so readily put his hand on his heart and declared his belief in a Big Australia, in the long run this debate is one Australia needs to have. The Coalition certainly appears willing to have it. Under Tony Abbott, the Liberal Party is moving to the right on immigration and population.

    The Coalition’s spokesman on immigration, Scott Morrison, has been aggressively attacking the Government almost daily on what he claims are weaknesses in Australia’s border security.

    Two days ago, he foreshadowed changes to the Coalition’s policy on refugees, arguing that those claiming refugee status should be required to have documentation. Morrison then twisted the figures to claim immigration was running “out of control” and should be cut back from present levels. It’s the kind of dog whistle politics that plays well to the Murdoch tabloid newspapers, which have been running hard on the issue of boat arrivals all year.

    But Abbott and Morrison’s new hawkishness on immigration risks alienating their key business constituency, particularly the mining and resources companies so dependent on foreign labour to staff their plants and mines. As the business lobby’s savvy Heather Ridout countered, there simply aren’t enough Australian mining engineers, doctors, nurses and tradespeople to go around. Curbing immigration will simply cause wages to rise, and interest rates with them.

    The Government also hit back hard, pointing out that Morrison had got his figures wrong by including temporary residents in his calculations. As Julia Gillard said on Lateline last night, temporary resident numbers include the “500,000 international students in this country that pay good money to education institutions, generating $17 billion for this economy”.

    “Are they saying we don’t want those jobs? Is that the kind of risk that they’re posing for this country?” she said.

    It wasn’t long before Morrison was backpedalling on his statement.

    For the last two decades — roughly since the controversy over John Howard’s remarks about Asian immigration in the late 1980s — both major parties have elected to pursue a generous migration strategy. This has meant, by and large, that immigration policy has been characterised by a bipartisan consensus that immigration is a good thing for our society.

    The Coalition now looks set to abandon that consensus, in the risky pursuit of partisan political gain. It’s a strategy that many will find distasteful. But it could be highly effective.

  • Starving to slow death in hospital- family claims grandad ignored

     

    Stricken grandfather Max Miller went without food for eight days after the nasal tube providing him with life-giving sustenance failed last Tuesday while he was being treated at Royal North Shore Hospital.

    The retired advertising executive, 83, broke his neck in a fall on March 19 and complications with his injury last week prevented a new tube being reinserted. The only option was for a different feeding passage, known as a PEG tube, to be inserted directly into his stomach.

    But Mr Miller was told he would have to wait because it was Easter and there was no one around to do it.

    It was only after his daughter Prue Miller contacted The Daily Telegraph in desperation yesterday that her father finally made it to the front of the queue and got the procedure.

    “The doctor said on Thursday they would place him on the acute list to get him a PEG line but five days later there was still nothing done,” Ms Miller said.

    “He was just disappearing before our eyes and he was so terrified. He kept saying to me ‘I don’t want to die, I don’t want to die’.”

    Ms Miller said she “begged and begged” for staff to do something.

    “They told me it was up to the radiology department but the radiology department said that they were too busy,” she said.

    “The system has become so appalling that people are dying simply because there is no one around to do what is needed.”

    A spokeswoman for Royal North Shore Hospital said Mr Miller was still receiving fluids, electrolytes and glucose via an intravenous drip after his feeding tube failed.

    She said his operation to have the PEG tube inserted was rescheduled “due to more serious cases taking priority”.

    “The hospital believes that the appropriate care and treatment has been and is being provided,” she said.

     

    Mr Miller’s case emerged just three days after The Daily Telegraph reported that 87-year-old World War II veteran Kevin Park called triple-0 from his hospital bed in Lismore because he could not get help from nursing staff.

    It also coincided with nurses at Bathurst Base Hospital threatening industrial action because of “horrendous and unacceptable” work pressures.

    NSW Nurses Association general secretary Brett Holmes said the hospital’s surgical ward was funded for 12 beds but had up to 18 patients over the weekend, while the medical ward had to care for an extra five patients beyond its capacity.

     

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