Managing director of Ebono Institute and major sponsor of The Generator, Geoff Ebbs, is running against Kevin Rudd in the seat of Griffith at the next Federal election. By the expression on their faces in this candid shot it looks like a pretty dull campaign. Read on
A Discovery Channel series about changes in polar regions does not mention causes for the thinner ice, avoiding the fury that often accompanies mention of climate change.
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As often quoted by Antony Green, this is the procedure Abbott would have to follow
in order to repeal the Carbon Tax. It cannot be quickly repealed as Abbott is stating.
Disagreement between the Houses
If the House of Representatives passes any proposed law, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, and if after an interval of three months the House of Representatives, in the same or the next session, again passes the proposed law with or without any amendments which have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, the Governor‑General may dissolve the Senate and the House of Representatives simultaneously. But such dissolution shall not take place within six months before the date of the expiry of the House of Representatives by effluxion of time.
If after such dissolution the House of Representatives again passes the proposed law, with or without any amendments which have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, the Governor‑General may convene a joint sitting of the members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives.
The members present at the joint sitting may deliberate and shall vote together upon the proposed law as last proposed by the House of Representatives, and upon amendments, if any, which have been made therein by one House and not agreed to by the other, and any such amendments which are affirmed by an absolute majority of the total number of the members of the Senate and House of Representatives shall be taken to have been carried, and if the proposed law, with the amendments, if any, so carried is affirmed by an absolute majority of the total number of the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, it shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of the Parliament, and shall be presented to the Governor‑General for the Queen’s assent.
It’s ironic that the rail system opened up the state and country before the advent of motor vehicles, that it has been allowed to fall into such disrepair. I joined the railways in 1954 and have watched branch lines being closed and rail freight hived off to road transport, resulting in the road chaos we are seeing today. If only we could turn the clock back and start anew.I can also report that top-level strategy was to discontinue all long distance passenger rail travel and only provide a metropolitan and interurban service Devised by David Hill, Neville Wran and Peter Cox, in some respects this has already been done.
RailCorp repairs likely to take years not months according to NSW Transport Minister
NSW Transport Minister Gladys Berejiklian. Picture: Justin Lloyd Source: The Daily Telegraph
DRAGGING RailCorp into the 21st century will take years, not months, Transport Minister Gladys Berejiklian admitted yesterday.
The state government is reviewing the organisation and will get a report in six months – but Ms Berejiklian said implementing the changes would take much longer.
“It’s a massive, massive undertaking and, to be honest, to get the organisation from where it is to world best practice won’t take months, it will take years,” Ms Berejiklian said in a lunchtime address hosted by the Committee for Economic Development of Australia.
“I guess if RailCorp was providing a world-class service every day of the year you could excuse the cost of $10 million a day but under the current circumstances we do need to give that organisation a shake-up.”
Ms Berejiklian said nothing was ruled in or out of the review and the results of the privatisation of Sydney Ferries services would determine whether more public transport services were sold off.
“I think by the end of the year when we have the operator in place, that will be for us a key milestone for how we might view those arrangements in the future,” she said.
Ms Berejiklian said the current timetable would be completely overhauled next year.
“Rather than tinker with the timetable we will start from scratch, which means we can deal with issues like frequency and travel times.”
She said previous governments also made cuts to the organisation but they cost more in the long run, adding: “For too long we have let things slide and that won’t continue into the future.”
Meet and greet … Milne speaks with grazier Scott Hickman at Marylebone farm in Cudal, near Orange. Photo: Penny Bradfield
In a surprising first move as party leader, Christine Milne went bush to broaden support, writes Lenore Taylor.
For a moment it felt like a day in the life of a prime minister or an opposition leader – the white cars pull up at the chosen venue for the day’s political message, the politician alights, followed by besuited advisers with phones to their ears.
A conversation with the chosen members of the public ensues – only slightly stilted by the presence of a gaggle of journalists recording every word with long fluffy boom mics. And finally there is a media conference, with the real-world backdrop much more lively than a Parliament House lectern.
Julia Gillard does this regularly, often in schools. Tony Abbott does it every other day, his efforts usually involving the driving of heavy machinery, the wielding of knives or the wearing of hard hats.
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Green tea … Milne addresses local farmers over some light refreshments. Photo: Penny Bradfield
This week it was the new Greens leader Christine Milne who hit the road on what she says will be a nationwide tour of rural and regional Australia.
There were still a few things that distinguished her trip to Orange, in the seat of Calare held by the Nationals’ John Cobb by almost 11 per cent, from the big party roadshows.
Her conversations with local apple and cherry growers and sheep graziers were much longer and more detailed, and apparently aimed at eliciting information as well as providing footage for the evening news. The major party leaders’ media events are usually pretty quick affairs.
Milne even admitted the multiparty climate committee that designed the carbon tax, of which she was a key member, may have under-estimated its impact on big food processors and promised to look for a remedy. Usually chats with political leaders in front of the cameras do not result in the leader admitting they may have got something wrong.
And on closer inspection the besuited advisers were also slightly different in appearance to their major party counterparts, one had a pony-tail to his waist and his ring tone was a bird call.
But the aim of the exercise was the same – to deliver a political message. And it worked, Milne’s bid to ”start a conversation” with rural and regional Australia was reported in most major newspapers, the local papers in NSW’s central west and was the lead item on that night’s regional television news. Milne had received a ”mixed reception” the report said.
Milne, like the Greens founder Bob Brown before her, insists the party’s political imperative is not that of the now defunct Australian Democrats, to keep the bastards honest, but to replace them and form government.
But even she cannot pretend the Greens have any hope of winning the seat of Calare, where the new NSW upper house member Jeremy Buckingham attracted only 6 per cent of the electorate, or 5345 votes, when he stood at the 2010 federal election, an improvement on the 2.85 per cent or 2351 votes he got at the 2007 poll.
The immediate political purpose appears to have more to do with bolstering the Greens’ Senate vote.
”It will help support and grow our existing vote over time … it won’t, of course, in the short term lead to change in the lower house, but it will build our overall vote and that includes the Senate vote,” Milne told the Herald.
The departure of a dominant leader such as Brown always causes uncertainty for a political party, however brave a face they put on it.
Some commentators see a scenario in which the Greens could lose their balance of power position at the next election – Labor losing a seat to Bob Katter’s party in Queensland and to the Coalition in Tasmania and the Greens losing a West Australian seat to the Coalition. This would mean bills could be passed with the independent senator Nick Xenophon, DLP senator John Madigan and the predicted new senator from Bob Katter’s party.
Others predict a Democrats-style demise without the presence of Brown.
Milne expects the three Green senators up for re-election next year to be returned and also hopes to pick up another Senate seat in Victoria or NSW.
A lot will depend on candidate selection, whether Labor can claw back from its current wipeout position in the polls and whether the Greens can maintain their consistent polling of around 11 per cent. But under any scenario, the Greens’ Senate prospects would benefit from a boost in their vote in the bush.
The Greens also know it is vital to maintain the unity of their team and despite internal differences of opinion over policy and tactics, the leadership transition ran without a hint of public dissent.
Regional Australia also features large in the Greens’ policy agenda. Some of what they say sounds very similar to the stance of the Nationals – the dominant party of regional Australia.
Both talk about the ”abuse of market power” by Coles and Woolworths, the need to keep control of our food production capacity by stopping foreign sovereign wealth funds buying up agricultural land, over-the-odds charges for quarantine inspections and the unfair impact on the country of free trade agreements that leave Australian farmers exposed.
Other ideas passed the ”nod test” with the rural residents she talked to around Orange, such as the plan to link city consumers wanting high-quality food with rural suppliers via online sales – something cherry farmers in Tasmania are already doing, Milne said.
But everywhere she went her proudest achievement, the carbon tax, was a bridge too far.
”Farmers around here are petrified of the carbon tax. We just got told Country Energy’s going to put our bills up by 18 per cent … hooly dooly that’s going to hurt,” said a sheep farmer, Scott Hickman, who, with other local graziers, joined Milne on the verandah of a local farm.
”I wouldn’t mind if the money went back into environmental works, but it goes back to the big polluters. I don’t understand the point of that,” said Peter Roberts, another grazier.
The Greens know it’s a political problem, point out the high costs to farmers of doing nothing about climate change and privately hope that the wild over-estimates of the cost impacts of the tax might take the sting out of the issue once it comes into effect in July.
Apple farmer and treasurer of the Orange branch of the Nationals, Guy Gaeta, who told Milne the tax would threaten his business, based his fears on an estimate it would increase his power bill by 100 per cent, not the estimated 10 per cent.
The Nationals, slightly affronted by the sudden appearance of the Greens on their patch, add a few other issues to the list of deal-breakers in any relationship between the bush and the Greens.
The NSW Nationals senator Fiona Nash suggested Milne should add to her tour itinerary a meeting with irrigators in Griffith, worried about losing their water allocations due to the Murray-Darling Basin plan, and a visit to coal mining towns to explain why the Greens believe no new mines should be allowed.
But Milne was back in the city by then and leaping straight into the national economic debate, arguing against pursuing a surplus at any cost, renewing the Greens’ threat to vote down proposed tax cuts for big business and their call to cut the diesel fuel rebate for miners.
She had a preliminary meeting with Gillard last Monday and will have more detailed talks before the Prime Minister leaves for her Anzac Day trip to Gallipoli. The meetings are paving the way for what will be testing negotiations over the parliamentary passage of the May 8 budget.
And before then Milne’s rural roadshow will continue to South Australia. She wants to visit Port Augusta, where the local community is begging for its coal-fired power station to be closed down, and Victor Harbour, where some are thinking about energy self-sufficiency, trying to take the community off-grid.
Milne knows the Greens have an uphill battle in rural Australia. ”That’s why I am out here talking to people. You have to talk to people. You have to build alliances. It takes time.”
And while NSW Farmers Federal vice-president and local apple grower Peter Darley won’t be voting Green, he was pleased Milne visited his little township of Nashdale all the same.
”I think it’s a start. Politicians have to listen to us as well. She’s a breath of fresh air for the Greens,” he said.
Milne says the Greens’ smooth leadership transition and the way she has started in the job shows voters that ”we are a professional political party and we are a group of people wo look after each other.”
What the voters actually think remains to be seen. But the new Greens leader is intent upon taking on the big parties at their own game.
NASA Sees Slow-Developing System 99P Dogging Northern Australia
NASA satellites have been monitoring the slow-to-develop low pressure area called System 99P for four days as it lingers in the Arafura Sea, north Australia’s Northern Territory. Satellite data indicates that System 99P is likely to continue struggling because of weak organization and nearby dry air.
System 99P was captured in an infrared image on April 20, 2012 at 04:55 UTC (12:55 a.m. EDT) by the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) instrument that flies onboard NASA’s Aqua satellite. At that time, System 99P was centered about 190 nautical miles (218.6 miles/ 352 km) north-northeast of Darwin, Australia, near 9.9 South latitude and 132.6 East longitude. The western-most extent of System 99P was now entering the Timor Sea (located west of the Arafura Sea). In fact, today’s (April 20) MODIS infrared imagery revealed that System 99P showed some areas of strong thunderstorms west of its center of circulation, over the eastern edge of the Timor Sea. However, those thunderstorms remain disorganized and the low-level circulation is weak.
The TRMM satellite, managed by NASA and JAXA also gathered data from struggling System 99P. The Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission (TRMM) satellite passed over April 19 at 1142 UTC (7:42 a.m. EDT), and revealed curved banding of thunderstorms wrapping weakly into the center of the low. Total precipitable water products currently indicate there is sufficient moisture associated with the low, and that’s the fuel for the tropical cyclone.
Even though there’s a good amount of moisture available, dry air lingers nearby. Dry air can sap the life’s blood (moisture) from a developing tropical cyclone. Satellite data shows dry air west of 130 East. In addition, an upper-air sounding from Darwin, Australia indicated dry air in its recent moisture profile.
The Joint Typhoon Warning Center (JTWC) is the entity that forecasts tropical cyclones in this part of the world and has been continuously gathering and analyzing data to determine if System 99P will further develop. JTWC cited surface observations from McCluer Island, which is located 65 nautical miles (74.8 miles/120.4 km) south-southeast of 99P’s center. The island’s weather observation noted northeasterly winds at 15-20 knots (17.3 – 23.0 mph / 27.7-37.0 kph). and sea level pressure near 1006 millibars.
Looking back, on April 19, System 99P was centered near 9.0S 132.8E, about 240 miles NE of Darwin, Australia and visible MODIS imagery from NASA’s Terra satellite showed deep convection/t-storms flaring on western quadrant. At that time, maximum sustained winds were near 15 knots (17.3 mph/27.7 kph). On April 18 the MODIS image on NASA’s Aqua satellite showed disorganized cloud cover as System 99P was still struggling. Its maximum sustained winds were 15 knots (17.3 mph/27.7 kph). When NASA passed over System 99P on the date of its birth, April 17, 2012, it was having a difficult time getting organized because of wind shear. It was located in the Arafura Sea, between northern Australia and Irian Jaya, Indonesia.
As of April 20, the forecasters at the JTWC said, “There is no significant model development due [in the next 24 hours] to the overall marginal environment and weak organization.”
SO Julie Bishop has a Huawei-donated iPad. Dangerous. Dangerous for her and dangerous for Australia if she becomes foreign minister.
The iPad is but one of the micro details to emerge from Bishop’s visit to China as a guest of the Chinese telco. Some Liberals led by Bishop, together with vested mining interests, questioned the Gillard government accepting ASIO’s advice against letting Huawei bid for NBN. But the bar has wider significance because the controversy it has sparked illuminates the most vexing issue of Australian foreign policy – our relationship with China.
This was again in sharp relief at the recent Boao Forum, on the luxury resort on Hainan Island.
West Australian mining billionaires Andrew Forrest and Gina Rinehart were there.
Forrest complained the Huawei decision was indicative of the insufficient sympathy for Beijing and that Australia’s foreign policy should reflect our commercial relationship with China.
This is not the first time West Australian mining magnates have sought to stamp “Made in China” on Australia’s foreign policy.
The day after President Barack Obama’s long-awaited visit to Australia, one of Forrest’s Boao buddies “Iron” Mike Young dismissed the visit on the front page of the Australian Financial Review.
Former Liberal senate leader Nick Minchin backed ASIO’s advice. Former foreign minister Alexander Downer told the ABC that Huawei was a “victim of Sinophobia”.
Liberal finance spokesman Andrew Robb, along with Bishop and Bronwyn Bishop, all criticised the government for following the security advice. All have recently been guests of Huawei in China.
Bishop and Downer really should know better. Fortunately, some Liberals do know better.
Senator George Brandis, the shadow attorney-general, was briefed by ASIO and eventually Tony Abbott overruled Robb and the two Bishops.
However it seems that the tribune of mining magnates, Julie Bishop, is not done.
After being silenced she arguably took the pro-Beijing line further. She was quoted in The Australian newspaper saying “confusion about the Labor government’s attitudes towards China was increased significantly by the 2009 Defence White paper that implied China posed a direct conventional military threat to Australia”. The Liberal’s official policy is to support the 2009 Defence White Paper!
Christopher Pyne may have known more when he addressed the Henry Jackson society in London, of which I am a patron.
Pyne made a robust critique of Chinese foreign policy in what many considered a below-the-radar chastising of Bishop.
I’m sorry to sound like an unreconstructed cold warrior, but I have to ask: Has anyone told Bishop the real nature of the Beijing regime? China’s political system represents an amalgam of the traditional Confucian paternalism and the police apparatus of the Soviet Union.
Despite 30 years of economic reform, China is ruled by an interlocking alliance of party, state, military and business elites. While it is true that Beijing has brought hundreds of millions of people up from poverty, China is still run by a regime whose main priority is the preservation of its own power.
The fall of Bo Xilai, the powerful and ambitious Party chief in Chongqing, only underlines the corruption and brutality of China’s leadership – whether in subterranean struggles between relative liberals or in the annual execution of more than 3000 people or the maintenance of China’s vast labour camp system.
For strategic and economic reasons, Beijing supports and protects authoritarian regimes such as North Korea, Burma, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. It also uses its veto at the UN Security Council to block efforts to avert war.
The Huawei episode also highlights the widespread concerns about China’s role in cyber-espionage, both military and commercial.
These concerns first arose more than a decade ago, with particular emphasis on China’s infiltration of the private sector, including blatant intellectual property theft. Last year Mike Rogers, chairman of the US House of Representatives Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, said: “When you talk to companies behind closed doors, they describe attacks that originate in China, and have a level of sophistication and are clearly supported by a level of resources that can only be a nation-state entity.”
In these circumstances it was always likely that the US would see Huawei for what it is – an extension of the Chinese communist regime – and bar entry to America’s more sensitive telecommunications networks.
The new American foreign policy doctrine, with its “pivot to Asia”, enunciated by Barack Obama in his speech to federal parliament last year, has predictably made our largest trading partner quick to jump at imagined slights.
Dr John Lee notes the foolishness of any appeasement that is counter to our national security interests.
“Everyone agrees that the alliance with the Americans is the bedrock of Australian security,” he said. Bishop’s free iPad goes to more than just security concerns over her use of that device. Her views on Huawei, and by extension the Chinese government, show a serious deficit in foreign policy and security thinking.
It’s quite understandable that the mining billionaires Clive Palmer, Andrew Forrest and Gina Rinehart, who fund the Liberal Party to which she belongs, don’t want Australia to do anything that might upset their largest customer.
But someone who aspires to be Australia’s foreign minister has to think about our national interest, not just the commercial interest of her party’s paymasters.
If you press Malcolm Turnbull he argues very differently from Pyne and the traditional Liberal anti-communist perspective.
Sounding a bit like a latter day Lord Runciman, Turnbull insisted in a speech given last October at the London School of Economics and Political Science that China’s naval build up was not a sign of “a new belligerence”.
China, he argued, was not like the Soviet Union “and does not seek to export its ideology or system of government”.
Like his former loyal deputy Julie Bishop, Turnbull stated:
“I disagree with the underlying premise of the 2009 Australian White Paper that we should base our defence planning and procurement on the contingency of a naval war with China in the South China Sea.”
He, like paleo-conservative editor of the Spectator Tom Switzer and Switzer’s bizarre anti-American columnist Mark Latham, all think the relationship with the US has gone too far.
This Sydney consensus reaction to China/US tensions is very similar to the West Australian mining oligarchs and the arguments of the chief academic advocate of accommodating China, Hugh White.
A formidable coalition critical of the traditional US/Australia alliance and keen on accommodating Beijing is forming. Surprisingly, it is mainly forming on the political right.
Michael Danby is chair of the US/Australia Parliamentary Friendship Group