Category: Sustainable Settlement and Agriculture

The Generator is founded on the simple premise that we should leave the world in better condition than we found it. The news items in this category outline the attempts people have made to do this. They are mainly concerned with our food supply and settlement patterns. The impact that the human race has on the planet.

  • Rio declares RSPT dead

    Let’s hope he is right.
     
    Neville Gillmore.
     

    Rio declares RSPT dead

    Friday June 25, 2010, 5:00 pm
     

     

     

     

    The head of Rio Tinto in Australia says the mining super profits tax, in its previous form, is dead.

    Sam Walsh made the comments at the opening of the company’s new operations centre in Perth.

    “I think the tax as it was originally described, is dead, I think what we will see is something that will enable projects to go ahead and I’m very hopeful that will be sooner, rather than later,” he said.

    He says he is hopeful the change in prime minister will allow industry and government to make progress on the resource rent tax, and resolve the issue before the next federal election.

    “I’m very hopeful that with the recent changes in the structure of the Government that we can actually get in and engage and negotiate,” he added.

     

     

     

     

     


    More Quotes and Company Information

  • Change came even faster than the plotters knew

     

    She gave no commitment but said she wanted to sound out friends, including colleagues Warren Snowdon and Brendan O’Connor, and importantly, Kim Carr, the Victorian Left powerbroker who had installed the Rudd-Gillard team in 2006.

    Enthused, Senator Feeney sought out Don Farrell, the South Australian senator and powerbroker. The Victorian Right was split and Senator Farrell would help unite it behind Ms Gillard.

    They started counting numbers.

    Bill Shorten, the Victorian Right MP, had approached Ms Gillard the week before and asked her to stand. He saw her again on Wednesday. By late afternoon, after question time, momentum was building but had not reached critical mass. The Left was oblivious to what was going on and the traditional heavyweights such as Senator Faulkner were out of the loop, but Senator Arbib was working the NSW Right. By early evening, most of the faction had swung behind Ms Gillard.

    Earlier in the day in Sydney, the right-wing Australian Workers Union had a leadership meeting that, included its two heavyweights, Paul Howes and Bill Ludwig.

    They were unaware of any looming spill and resolved to support Rudd.

    However, around 6pm, as news of a push was growing, Mr Howes was shown internal ALP polling which showed the government was facing wipeout in NSW. Mr Howes and Mr Ludwig jumped into action and threw their support behind Ms Gillard. This galvanised the Right nationally.

    Howes called Wayne Swan, of the Right, who was shifting towards Gillard. After talking to Mr Howes, Mr Swan agreed to stand for deputy.

    The Left realised the challenge was serious. Supporters of Laurie Ferguson, for whom Gillard had found a safe seat in western Sydney after his was abolished, joined the stampede.

    By the time Ms Gillard went to see Mr Rudd at 7.20pm, he was doomed.

    Shorten retired to the Hoang Hau Vietnamese restaurant in Kingston.

    From there, he was working two phones and writing down names.

    With him were four South Australians from the Right: the Sports Minister, Kate Ellis, Senator Dana Wortley and two former federal MPs, David Cox and Martyn Evans.

    Rudd was inside his office with Ms Gillard and Senator Faulkner for three hours. It is believed they tried to talk him into standing down.

    At 10.30pm, a defiant Mr Rudd emerged and said he would fight at a leadership spill scheduled for 9am.

    By daybreak, it was estimated Ms Gillard had about 83 of the 112 votes. Anthony Albanese told Mr Rudd he was doomed and should not contest to spare humiliation

  • Big Oil plays jobs cards as it fights offshore=drilling moratorium

     

    Did we mention jobs? Gulf Coast media are chiming in with stories about the moratorium’s ripple effect through local economies and scientists who think the moratorium goes too far.  The New Orleans Times-Picayune recently weighed in with an editorial suggesting that for all his public sympathy for Gulf workers, Barack Obama is guilty of “myopia”:

    President Obama has not heeded the voices urging him to reconsider the scope of the moratorium. Those include engineering and oil industry experts consulted by the administration, who are calling the broad moratorium a mistake that could cause more harm to the economy than the spill itself. They had endorsed different steps such as a moratorium on new drilling permits. They suggested a briefer halt at existing rigs, so that safety tests could be conducted. That’s still a viable strategy. A more nuanced approach would be far wiser and more compassionate than the punishing shutdown that the White House has ordered.

    Not our problem:  During his meeting with BP execs last week, Obama did try to get the company to cover lost wages from the drilling moratorium.  But, as Jonathan Weisman noted in The Wall Street Journal, BP’s lawyers successfully argued that it shouldn’t be responsible for costs directly related to a government ban.  The oil giant eventually agreed to kick in $100 million for Gulf oil workers, in addition to the $20 billion fund to cover spill damages, but that’s probably not enough to cover even a month of lost salaries for rig workers. 

    Putting the people in petroleum: The oil companies, with help from the American Petroleum Institute in Washington, are building their case that when the feds impose drilling bans or otherwise ratchet up regulations, they end up hurting those previously known as “the small people.” As Elizabeth Williamson points out in The Wall Street Journal:

    President Barack Obama’s six-month moratorium on exploratory offshore drilling could strengthen the energy industry’s hand in regulatory battles ahead. The administration says the moratorium is part of a safety review that will “reduce the risk of a second spill by providing the time needed for further investigation.” But in a grassroots effort that reveals the contours of the lobbying battle to come, oil executives and lobbyists point to the moratorium as Exhibit A that more government regulation won’t protect livelihoods in the Louisiana oilfield.

    From sea to sheening sea: No matter how the court fight over the Gulf moratorium turns out, the war over deepwater drilling is only going to get uglier. Big Oil is banking on deep-sea exploration to keep the profits rolling in, as Steve Mufson explains in The Washington Post

    Within five years, global deepwater production is expected to rise by two-thirds, to 10 million barrels a day, according to Cambridge Energy Research Associates. That’s equivalent to the amount of crude oil that the world’s largest exporter, Saudi Arabia, produces.

    And you thought you’d heard the last of “Drill, baby, drill.”

     Randy Rieland is a writer who lives in Washington, D.C., but tries to spend as many weekends as possible at his cottage in the Shenandoah Mountains of Virginia. He also actually remembers the first Earth Day. You can email him at randy.rieland[at]gmail[dot]com.
  • Reasonably high chance BP files for bahkruptcy

     

    The specter of Chapter 11 bankruptcy terrifies Gulf residents because it could allow BP to delay, or even avoid, paying billions of dollars to businesses and individuals affected by the Gulf spill. The chapter is specifically for companies in temporary financial trouble who can reemerge as viable if they receive new funding, cancel burdensome contracts and delay, restructure, or wall off repayment obligations.

    I spoke with Kaufman about the possibility of a BP bankruptcy on Monday. Here is an edited transcript of our conversation yesterday, which includes further clarifications from an email follow-up with Kaufman this morning:

    The Climate DeskQ. Let’s say you’re advising BP. What would you tell them to do?

    A. I’d advise them to explore the option of bankruptcy. I only know BP from public information. BP has a lot of cash and the ability to generate huge amounts of cash. But remember, just because BP can pay claims doesn’t mean they should, or that they will, given that their primary obligation is to their shareholders.

    Bankruptcy laws are designed to help companies rehabilitate themselves. What I’m suggesting here is that BP is or ought to be analyzing the possibility of insolvency proceedings, and the pros and cons of doing so. Now understand, this would be an absolute horror for the U.S. government. If BP succeeds in putting a wall around its Gulf liabilities, payment on those claims fall to the U.S. government or they’re not paid.

    Q. What would a BP bankruptcy look like?

    A. It could work a lot of different ways. They could cut loose BP America and it could be BP America that files for bankruptcy. My presumption is that it’s BP America that’s responsible for the spill. They can wall off the non-BP America assets from the Gulf — which is about 50 percent of the company’s net value –and try to reorganize BP America. That’s likely to take a very long time, and BP would not make good on its promise for the 20 billion [in the escrow fund].

    Or they could file all of BP, and do so in London. Wonder how well-received our government and legitimate Gulf claimants would fare in a British insolvency court?

    Q. Now let’s say you’re advising the U.S. government on dealing with BP. What actions do you take now to keep BP from filing for bankruptcy to limit its exposure to liabilities?

    A. I would start with the same analysis BP is undertaking. Perform the same analyses BP is performing about various bankruptcy strategies and figuring out how its assets and liabilities match up structurally, and how to shift assets from one entity to another. Develop judgments about potential outcomes from those bankruptcy strategies. Develop views on total costs that BP might face. We need to be able to anticipate where and how BP is going and then plan courses of action designed both to blunt and address BP’s potential strategies.

    In short, I would want to have a very good understanding of what BP could do. My thinking now is that BP America could file here or they could file the whole thing in London. Why should they continue to get berated by this country, pay $20 billion [via the escrow fund] and still face an unlimited liability for not only civil, but also for criminal charges, if there’s a better way for the company?

    It would be a mistake, in my judgment, to view BP as a political piñata that can be beat around the head repeatedly without consequences. It’s not reasonable to expect BP to pay unlimited liabilities and face criminal charges, and the United States needs to understand the size of the gun BP can pull.

    Q. I see the case for exploring the bankruptcy option. But what are some reasons they shouldn’t file for Chapter 11?

    A. If BP makes the calculated decision that the amount of damages they’ll have to pay doesn’t warrant the money, time, risk, hassle of going through solvency proceedings, they won’t do it.

    In short: if both sides fully understand the alternatives and options available to everyone around the table, that should lead to a global resolution and settlement. Otherwise, it will be rampant litigation and BP could pull some very unpleasant surprises. I should not want to see the United States surprised and unprepared.

    This story was produced by The Atlantic for the Climate Desk collaboration.

  • Unions to help Gillards ‘ defeat Abbott’

     

    ‘Unions will continue working with Julia Gillard and the Labor government to secure the economic recovery and ensure it delivers strong growth in jobs and benefits to all Australians.’

    Mr Lawrence said the ACTU supported Labor’s economic, tax and social reform agenda, including its proposed tax on mining super profits.

    He paid tribute to Mr Rudd’s legacy, including his leadership through the global financial crisis and his apology to the stolen generations, saying he had much to be proud of.

    Australian Workers Union national secretary Paul Howes said Ms Gillard would move quickly to ‘re-establish Labor’s credentials’ among working people.

    AWU secretary Bill Ludwig was instrumental in forcing out Mr Rudd, who he called ‘toxic’, saying Ms Gillard was the only option if Labor was to win the election.

    ‘Julia has played a central role in ridding Australia of the hated Work Choice laws,’ Mr Howes told a rally n Melbourne.

    ‘To keep our fair work laws for all Australians we need to get behind Julia Gillard – we cannot afford to see Tony Abbott in The Lodge.’

    Mr Howes thanked Mr Rudd for ending the labour movement’s ‘years in the political wilderness’.

    ‘We will always be indebted to him for that important win,’ he said.

    ‘Kevin has done an important job, a good job but the voters have stopped listening to our message – it is important that we don’t get sidetracked by issues involving personalities.’

    The Transport Workers Union said Mr Rudd’s ‘so-called colleagues and friends’ had ratted on him.

    ‘But that’s politics,’ Queensland branch secretary Hughie Williams said.

    He said Ms Gillard would have some ‘dry gullies to cross’ but added: ‘She’s quite a clever person and I think with a little bit of help she’ll probably make a very good prime minister.’

    The Australian Nursing Federation said Ms Gillard’s priorities must be health reform and industrial relations.

    The powerful right-wing lobby group Australian Christian Lobby (ACL) said she must confirm Labor’s concern for the poor and the disadvantaged, and the social values that Mr Rudd held firm.

    Academic Lauren Rosewarne, from the University of Melbourne, said Ms Gillard’s elevation was a fantastic day for women.

    ‘It would be wonderful if we didn’t need to draw attention to the fact that Julia Gillard is a woman,’ said Dr Rosewarne, who is an expert in feminist politics.

    ‘But she is, and it would be amiss not to pause and acknowledge this remarkable development.

    ‘The fact that we have to talk about her being the first female PM reminds us how far we have left to come.’

    Green groups have called on Ms Gillard to put an emissions trading scheme back on Labor’s immediate political agenda.

    ‘We believe the Labor party’s backflip on the emissions trading scheme and its associated decline in the polls is a key reason we now have a new leader,’ WWF Australia’s chief executive Greg Bourne said.

    ‘No combination of energy efficiency, clean energy, soil carbon or any other policy will be enough without an ETS.’

    Greenpeace said Ms Gillard should immediately introduce an interim carbon levy until an ETS could be implemented.

  • Julia Gillard Takes Power

     

    A leader that had campaigned so well in 2007, that had led Labor to victory after the wilderness years of John Howard’s government has not even survived his first term — knifed by the party apparatchiks who control the factions in the Australian Labor Party’s byzantine internal politics.

    At the end, his only friends were members of the Left faction he didn’t even support. It was left to John Faulkner to walk him from the party room through the media pack, as The Australian’s Samantha Maiden trailed alongside with a tape recorder. He kept his composure, but only just.

    “I was elected the leader by the people of Australia as the Prime Minister of Australia” he declared in his defiant press conference last night, but of course the Prime Minister holds that role only with the support of Parliament. In the party-political system of this nation, that means the support of the parliamentary members of your party. John Howard always enjoyed that support. Kevin Rudd enjoys it no longer.

    The men who have removed the man who was only 18 months ago Australia’s most popular Prime Minister ever have re-asserted their control over the party. They are not exactly faceless — they have been variously reported as Mark Arbib, Karl Bitar and David Feeney — and nor is this a purely factional coup. In the end, Rudd proved so unpopular among his colleagues that he didn’t even stand against Julia Gillard, realising that he had no chance of success.

    While Kevin Rudd was at one time very popular in his party, in truth his support base was always narrow. Rudd comes from Queensland, rather than the traditional power-bases of ALP politics in New South Wales and Victoria. And although he was aligned with the various right factions, including the New South Wales Right, who supported him as the man they considered best able to win the 2007 election, he was never truly one of them in the way that Paul Keating was.

    Rudd’s famously dysfunctional management style has also played a part in his downfall. Unlike John Howard, the outgoing Prime Minister has not made a habit of cultivating back-benchers and office bearers in the party. He has been disorganised, rude and at times peremptory — not a recipe for personal support.

    Once the move to replace Rudd began to gather steam last night, it quickly became unstoppable. Even those who wanted to stand on the sidelines were forced to declare their support. In doing so, federal Labor has turned to the only obvious candidate — the woman they believe can stem the deterioration in Labor’s electoral support and lead the government to re-election.

    Julia Gillard is our new Prime Minister: the first woman to hold the highest office in the land. A nation founded by predominantly male settlers finally has a woman leading it. But can she lead Labor to re-election?

    That depends whether you think the Government’s problems are merely about leadership and communication, or whether there are more substantial issues.

    It is an issue of policy — the backflip on the emissions trading scheme — that has proved to be a significant factor in Labor’s slide in the opinion polls.

    It is an issue of policy — refugee and border protection policy — that has marginal seat members in the outer suburbs spooked.

    It is an issue of policy — the Resource Super Profits Tax — that has dominated media coverage of politics for the past six weeks, further damaging Labor in the polls.
    Ironically, last night’s coup came after a reasonably good week for the Government. The passing of the Paid Parental Leave scheme and the broadband network deal with Telstra gives Labor some important legislative wins and some good news announcements to sell in the media.

    But Rudd’s time had run out.
    When it came to speak to the media this morning, he let slip the logical mask. Rudd’s concession speech was his best in many months, indeed, one of his best in office. Flanked by his children and wife Therese, Rudd ticked off a long list of his Government’s achievements, before losing his composure when talking about his achievements in health policy, in rural cancer care and in establishing a national organ donation register.

    “People out there are three times more likely to die in the first years of their diagnosis through the lack of services … we’ve done something to change that … and it’s big,” the Prime Minister blubbered. It was a compelling moment of political drama.

    We saw Kevin Rudd refer specifically to his moral and spiritual beliefs, to his love for his wife and his family, and for the pride he feels in the achievements as Prime Minister. When he referred to the momentous event of the apology to the Stolen Generations, we saw, once again, the sensitive and affectionate man so many Australians had warmed to.

    It was a little bit of Kevin07 at the last, but it was far too late.

    “And now, we’ve got to zip,” he finished, and disappeared behind the curtains of the doors to the Prime Minister’s courtyard.
    And then, in the brutal way of politics, focus turned to the new leader.

    In contrast to her departing predecessor’s, Julia Gillard’s press conference was measured, competent and controlled. “I asked my colleagues to make a leadership change because I believed that a good government was losing its way,” she declared.

    The new Prime Minister laid out her background, values and governing philosophy. She spoke about growing up in “the great state of South Australia” and the importance of hard work she had learnt from her parents. She took responsibility for her role in the current government, and promised a more consultative and open government under her watch. She signalled her belief in climate change, she paid tribute to the troops serving in Afghanistan, and she spoke at length about “a nation where hard work is rewarded and where the dignity of work is respected.”

    The policy consequences of the new leadership team will be intriguing to watch, in both the short and long term. Gillard immediately flagged that she will drop the Government’s taxpayer-funded pro-RSPT ads and “throw open the doors” to the mining industry. In return, she asked the mining industry to scrap their attack ads — an interesting tactic, and a tacit admission of the pain the mining tax controversy was inflicting.

    Gillard also pledged to campaign to win a national consensus on the need for a carbon price and increased taxes on mining, but she pointedly stated that, on refugee and asylum seeker policy, “I am full of understanding of the perspective of the Australian people that they want strong borders, and I will provide them.”

    And so Julia Gillard and Wayne Swan departed for an appointment with the Governor-General — marking another dramatic point in what has been an extraordinary 24 hours in politics.