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  • New population minister a ‘red herring’

     

    The Opposition wants an independent specialist body like the Productivity Commission to inquire into future population policies.

    Meanwhile the Urban Taskforce says the appointment of a federal population minister should not lead to a cap on immigration levels.

    The lobby group has welcomed the appointment of Mr Burke and the development of a population strategy, but taskforce chief executive Aaron Gadiel says concerns about a lack of infrastructure to support a growing population are unfounded.

    “One of the reasons that we don’t have the infrastructure that we all want and expect is that in many cases our population in our urban centres is just not large enough,” he said.

    “The larger the population, the more the Government is getting the tax revenue in and has the labour force available to build up the infrastructure.”

    NSW Planning Minister Tony Kelly says he will work with the new Population Minister to ensure the state is not overwhelmed by growth.

    Mr Kelly says Sydney’s population is projected to grow to 6 million by 2036 and he anticipates a close partnership with Mr Burke.

    Tags: community-and-society, population-and-demographics, government-and-politics, federal-government, australia, nsw

    First posted 1 hour 47 minutes ago

  • Population Minister cannot wait until after election day

    3 April 2010

    Population Minister cannot wait until after election for
    action

    The Prime Minister’s appointment of a new Population
    Minister to investigate population strategy must be matched by action
    said Australian Greens Leader Bob Brown.

    “After so many years of government failure on this issue
    I welcome the Prime Minister’s move to take up Australian Greens’ call
    for a comprehensive national investigation into population strategy,”
    said Senator Brown.

    “But the announcement today means any action to address
    urgent population issues will now be put off until after the federal
    election, at the earliest.

    “In 2008 I called on the Government to establish a
    population policy and the Greens currently have a proposal for a
    national population inquiry before the Senate.

    “The work by the Greens follows 15 years of failure by
    successive federal governments to implement the results of the last
    national population inquiry delivered in 1994 by Barry Jones.

    “Australia cannot support a population of 35 million by
    2050 as discussed by both the Prime Minister and the Opposition.

    “The major parties population growth plan is
    outstripping Australia’s infrastructure and environmental capacity and
    affecting quality of life.

    “We cannot wait until after the election for action.

    “The Greens have already proposed immediate action the
    Government can take to manage population, including:
    – Increasing Australia’s overseas aid budget by 0.7 percent of our
    GDP with more funding for literacy and reproductive health
    – Reducing skilled migration while increasing our humanitarian and
    investing in skills and training.”

    _______________________________________________
    GreensMPs Media mailing list
    Media@greensmps.org.au
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  • Climate sceptics are on big-oil payroll

     

    In a hard-hitting report, which appears to confirm environmentalists’ suspicions that there is a well-funded opposition to the science of climate change, Greenpeace accuses the funded groups of “spreading inaccurate and misleading information” about climate science and clean energy companies.

    “The company’s network of lobbyists, former executives and organisations has created a forceful stream of misinformation that Koch-funded entities produce and disseminate. The propaganda is then replicated, repackaged and echoed many times throughout the Koch-funded web of political front groups and thinktanks,” said Greenpeace.

    “Koch industries is playing a quiet but dominant role in the global warming debate. This private, out-of-sight corporation has become a financial kingpin of climate science denial and clean energy opposition. On repeated occasions organisations funded by Koch foundations have led the assault on climate science and scientists, ‘green jobs’, renewable energy and climate policy progress,” it says.

    The groups include many of the best-known conservative thinktanks in the US, like Americans for Prosperity, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato institute, the Manhattan Institute and the Foundation for research on economics and the environment. All have been involved in “spinning” the “climategate” story or are at the forefront of the anti-global warming debate, says Greenpeace.

    Koch Industries is a $100bn-a-year conglomerate dominated by petroleum and chemical interests, with operations in nearly 60 countries and 70,000 employees. It owns refineries which process more than 800,000 barrels of crude oil a day in the US, as well as a refinery in Holland. It has held leases on the heavily polluting tar-sand fields of Alberta, Canada and has interests in coal, oil exploration, chemicals, forestry, and pipelines.

    The majority of the group’s assets are owned and controlled by Charles and David Koch, two of the four sons of the company’s founder. They have been identified by Forbes magazine as the joint ninth richest Americans and the 19th richest men in the world, each worth between $14-16bn.

    Koch has also contributed money to politicians, the report said, listing 17 Republicans and four Democrats whose campaign funds got more than $10,000from the company.

    Greenpeace accuses the Koch companies of having a notorious environmental record. In 2000 the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) fined Koch industries $30m for its role in 300 oil spills that resulted in more than 3m gallons of crude oil leaking intro ponds, lakes and coastal waters.

    “The combination of foundation-funded front groups, big lobbying budgets, political action campaign donations and direct campaign contributions makes Koch Industries and the Koch brothers among the most formidable obstacles to advancing clean energy and climate policy in the US,” Greenpeace said.

    Top 10 Koch beneficiaries 2005-2008

    Mercatus center: ($9.2m received from Koch grants 2005-2008) Conservative thinktank at George Mason University. This group suggested in 2001 that global warming would be beneficial in winter and at the poles. In 2009 they recommended that nothing be done to cut emissions.
    Americans for Prosperity. ($5.17m). Have built opposition to clean energy and climate legislation with events across US.
    Institute for Humane Studies ($1.96m). Several prominent climate sceptics have positions here, including Fred Singer and Robert Bradley.
    Heritage Foundation ($1.62m). Conservative thinktank leads US opposition to climate change science.
    Cato Insitute ($1.02m). Thinktank disputes science behind climate change and questions the rationale for taking action.
    Manhattan Institute ($800,000). This institute regularly publishes climate science denials.
    Washington legal foundation ($655,000) Published articles on the business threats posed by regulation of climate change.
    Federalist Society for Law ($542,000) advocates inaction on global warming
    National Center for Policy Analysis ($130,000) NCPA disseminates climate science scepticism.
    American Council on Science and Health ($113,800) Has published papers claiming that cutting greenhouse emissions would be detrimental to public health.

    ARE WE SURPRISED?

    John James

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  • Kristina Keneally won’t back the emergency wowsers

     

    Well over half of readers surveyed also supported the suggested new laws, with 55.6 per cent of 800 online poll respondents backing them.

    “If the Government – and the Opposition – refuse to stand up to the hotel lobby, they will be responsible for any alcohol-related attacks on emergency service workers that occur within the hours we are talking about,” Mr Weber said.

    “If the Premier really thinks we are wowsers, I invite her to spend a night with her frontline workforce and see what is really going on in this state when she is asleep.”

    Ms Keneally said the majority of drinkers enjoyed themselves responsibly and she had no intention of turning NSW into a “dull and boring” or “wowser” state.

    “People come to Sydney to go out at night and have a good time and the overwhelming majority do so safely and responsibly,” she said.

    The Premier’s views were at odds with local councils, who point to the success of bans in Newcastle.

     

    “Why not consider extending it to other larger metropolitan cities,” said Local Government Association president Genia McCaffery.

    Wollongong Radio Cabs chairman Allan Meti said he also supported the proposed zrestrictions.

    The Australian Hotels Association described the call as “naive”. AHA chief executive Sally Fielke said: “What about the wider issues of drugs, the availability of cheap takeaway alcohol and the appalling behaviour of a few individuals.”

    ClubsNSW said its venues should also be exempt.

     

  • White farmers ‘ being wioed out’

     

    Death has stalked South Africa’s white farmers for years. The number murdered since the end of apartheid in 1994 has passed 3,000.

    In neighbouring Zimbabwe, a campaign of intimidation that began in 2000 has driven more than 4,000 commercial farmers off their land, but has left fewer than two dozen dead.

    The vulnerability felt by South Africa’s 40,000 remaining white farmers intensified earlier this month when Julius Malema, head of the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) youth league, opened a public rally by singing Dubula Ibhunu, or Shoot the Boer, an apartheid-era anthem, that was banned by the high court last week.

    Malema’s timing could hardly have been worse. Last weekend in the remote farming community of Colenso, in KwaZulu-Natal, Nigel Ralfe, 71, a dairy farmer, and his wife Lynette, 64, were gunned down as they milked their cows. He was critically injured; she died.

    That same day a 46-year-old Afrikaner was shot through his bedroom window as he slept at his farm near Potchefstroom. A few days later a 61-year-old was stabbed to death in his bed at a farm in Limpopo.

    The resurrection of Dubula Ibhunu, defended by senior ANC officials as little more then a sentimental old struggle song, has been greeted with alarm by Tom Stokes, of the opposition Democratic Alliance. He said the ANC’s continued association with the call to kill Boers could not be justified.

    “Any argument by the ANC that this song is merely a preservation of struggle literature rings hollow in the face of farming families who have lost wives, mothers and grandmothers,” he added.

    He was supported by Anton Alberts of the right-wing Freedom Front Plus party: “Malema’s comments are creating an atmosphere that is conducive to those who want to commit murder. He’s an accessory to the wiping out of farmers in South Africa.”

    Rossouw Cillier, Pieter’s brother, bristled as he pointed to the bullet holes in the panelled kitchen of the farmhouse near Ceres in the Western Cape. “They shot him through the fridge from the back door — the bullets came straight through here, into his heart. He never had a chance,” he said.

    A successful apple and pear grower, he believes his community is living on borrowed time: “More white farmers have been killed than British soldiers in Afghanistan and Iraq. Yes, we are at war here.”

    His brother’s farmhouse is now shuttered and empty. “I can’t spend time here. We’ll have to sell. This farm has been in our family for generations but it must go. Who’ll manage it? The children will never come back here. They held their own father as he died in front of them. Will they ever get over that?”

    As we walked across the orchard, fruit destined for the shelves of Tesco and Sainsbury’s in the UK was still being picked. A tractor passed a 10ft cross erected in honour of the murdered farmer.

    “It lights up at night,” Rossouw said. “My brother was a religious man. It’s all that’s left of him here.”

    Across South Africa many farmers feel endangered. In Northern Province a tribute has been created beneath an enormous sign with the stark Afrikaans word “plaasmoorde” — farm killings. Thousands of white wooden crosses have been planted across a mountainside, one for each fallen farmer.

    Recently the government’s department of rural development has been airing proposals to nationalise productive farmland as a “national asset”. Critics claim it is designed to deflect criticism from the ruling ANC’s failures.

    “It’s a lot easier talking about nationalising farms than building decent houses, making clean water come out of taps or honouring promises to redistribute farm plots to millions of landless poor,” said a spokesman for AgriSA, the farmers’ union.

    On the outskirts of Ceres there are few groceries in the township store — tins of pilchards, baked beans, some dried biscuits. A group of teenage boys sit on the burnt-out remains of a Ford Escort. This is where Cillier’s killers gathered, in a shebeen, a drinking club, where they fortified themselves with cheap hooch before they set off to rob him. They escaped with nothing.

    According to Rossouw Cillier the most telling detail is that his brother was unarmed when they attacked. “If we brandish a weapon, we’ll go to prison, not them. What did they gain from this murder? It was an act as pointless as their lives.”

  • White farmers ‘being wiped out’

    The attackers, who were drug addicts, simply disappeared into the night. Cillier’s murder, at Christmas, was barely reported in the local press. It was, after all, everyday news.

    Death has stalked South Africa’s white farmers for years. The number murdered since the end of apartheid in 1994 has passed 3,000.

    In neighbouring Zimbabwe, a campaign of intimidation that began in 2000 has driven more than 4,000 commercial farmers off their land, but has left fewer than two dozen dead.

    The vulnerability felt by South Africa’s 40,000 remaining white farmers intensified earlier this month when Julius Malema, head of the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) youth league, opened a public rally by singing Dubula Ibhunu, or Shoot the Boer, an apartheid-era anthem, that was banned by the high court last week.

    Malema’s timing could hardly have been worse. Last weekend in the remote farming community of Colenso, in KwaZulu-Natal, Nigel Ralfe, 71, a dairy farmer, and his wife Lynette, 64, were gunned down as they milked their cows. He was critically injured; she died.

    That same day a 46-year-old Afrikaner was shot through his bedroom window as he slept at his farm near Potchefstroom. A few days later a 61-year-old was stabbed to death in his bed at a farm in Limpopo.

    The resurrection of Dubula Ibhunu, defended by senior ANC officials as little more then a sentimental old struggle song, has been greeted with alarm by Tom Stokes, of the opposition Democratic Alliance. He said the ANC’s continued association with the call to kill Boers could not be justified.

    “Any argument by the ANC that this song is merely a preservation of struggle literature rings hollow in the face of farming families who have lost wives, mothers and grandmothers,” he added.

    He was supported by Anton Alberts of the right-wing Freedom Front Plus party: “Malema’s comments are creating an atmosphere that is conducive to those who want to commit murder. He’s an accessory to the wiping out of farmers in South Africa.”

    Rossouw Cillier, Pieter’s brother, bristled as he pointed to the bullet holes in the panelled kitchen of the farmhouse near Ceres in the Western Cape. “They shot him through the fridge from the back door — the bullets came straight through here, into his heart. He never had a chance,” he said.

    A successful apple and pear grower, he believes his community is living on borrowed time: “More white farmers have been killed than British soldiers in Afghanistan and Iraq. Yes, we are at war here.”

    His brother’s farmhouse is now shuttered and empty. “I can’t spend time here. We’ll have to sell. This farm has been in our family for generations but it must go. Who’ll manage it? The children will never come back here. They held their own father as he died in front of them. Will they ever get over that?”

    As we walked across the orchard, fruit destined for the shelves of Tesco and Sainsbury’s in the UK was still being picked. A tractor passed a 10ft cross erected in honour of the murdered farmer.

    “It lights up at night,” Rossouw said. “My brother was a religious man. It’s all that’s left of him here.”

    Across South Africa many farmers feel endangered. In Northern Province a tribute has been created beneath an enormous sign with the stark Afrikaans word “plaasmoorde” — farm killings. Thousands of white wooden crosses have been planted across a mountainside, one for each fallen farmer.

    Recently the government’s department of rural development has been airing proposals to nationalise productive farmland as a “national asset”. Critics claim it is designed to deflect criticism from the ruling ANC’s failures.

    “It’s a lot easier talking about nationalising farms than building decent houses, making clean water come out of taps or honouring promises to redistribute farm plots to millions of landless poor,” said a spokesman for AgriSA, the farmers’ union.

    On the outskirts of Ceres there are few groceries in the township store — tins of pilchards, baked beans, some dried biscuits. A group of teenage boys sit on the burnt-out remains of a Ford Escort. This is where Cillier’s killers gathered, in a shebeen, a drinking club, where they fortified themselves with cheap hooch before they set off to rob him. They escaped with nothing.

    According to Rossouw Cillier the most telling detail is that his brother was unarmed when they attacked. “If we brandish a weapon, we’ll go to prison, not them. What did they gain from this murder? It was an act as pointless as their lives.”