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  • Our Leaders are staging a scam in Copenhagen

    Mohammed Nasheed, the President of the drowning Maldives, said simply: “The last generation of humans went to the moon. This generation of humans needs to decide if it wants to stay alive on planet earth.”

    We know what has to happen to give us a fighting chance of avoiding catastrophe. We need carbon emissions in rich countries to be 40 percent lower than they were in 1990 – by 2020. We can haggle with each other over how to get there but we can’t haggle with atmospheric physics over the end-goal: the earth’s atmosphere has put this limit on what it can absorb, and we can respect it, or suffer.

    Yet the first week of this summit is being dominated by the representatives of the rich countries trying to lace the deal with Enron-style accounting tricks that will give the impression of cuts, without the reality. It’s essential to understand these shenanigans this week, so we can understand the reality of the deal that will be announced with great razzamataz next week.

    Most of the tricks centre around a quirk in the system: a rich country can ‘cut’ its emissions without actually releasing fewer greenhouse gases. How? It can simply pay a poor country to emit less than it otherwise would have. In theory it sounds okay: we all have the same atmosphere, so who cares where the cuts come from?

    But a system where emissions cuts can be sold among countries introduces extreme complexity into the system. It quickly (and deliberately) becomes so technical that nobody can follow it – no concerned citizen, no journalist, and barely even full-time environmental groups. You can see if your government is building more coal power stations, or airports, or motorways. You can’t see if the cuts they have “bought” halfway round the world are happening – especially when they are based on projections of increases that would have happened, in theory, if your government hadn’t stumped up the cash.

    A study by the University of Stanford found that most of the projects that are being funded as “cuts” either don’t exist, don’t work, or would have happened anyway. Yet this isn’t a small side-dish to the deal: it’s the main course. For example, under proposals from the US, the country with by far the highest per capita emissions in the world wouldn’t need to cut its own gas by a single exhaust pipe until 2026, insisting it’ll simply pay for these shadow-projects instead.

    It gets worse still. A highly complex system operating in the dark is a gift to corporate lobbyists, who can pressure or bribe governments into rigging the system in their favour, rather than the atmosphere’s. It’s worth going through some of the scams that are bleeding the system of any meaning. They may sound dull or technical – but they are life or death to countries like Leah’s.

    Trick One: Hot Air. The nations of the world were allocated permits to release greenhouse gases back in 1990, when the Soviet Union was still a vast industrial power – so it was given a huge allocation. But the following year, it collapsed, and its industrial base went into freefall – along with its carbon emissions. It was never going to release those gases after all. But Russia and the Eastern European countries have held onto them in all negotiations as “theirs”. Now, they are selling them to rich countries who want to purchase “cuts.” Under the current system, the US can buy them from Romania and say they have cut emissions – even though they are nothing but a legal fiction.

    We aren’t talking about climatic small change. This hot air represents ten gigatonnes of CO2. By comparison, if the entire developed world cuts its emissions by 40 percent by 2020, that will only take six gigatonnes out of the atmosphere.

    Trick Two: Double-counting. This is best understood through an example. If Britain pays China to abandon a coal power station and construct a hydro-electric dam instead, Britain pockets the reduction in carbon emissions as part of our overall national cuts. In return, we are allowed to keep a coal power station open at home. But at the same time, China also counts this change as part of its overall cuts. So one ton of carbon cuts is counted twice. This means the whole system is riddled with exaggeration – and the figure for overall global cuts is a con.

    Trick Three: The Fake Forests –  or what the process opaquely dubs ‘LULUCF’ . Forests soak up warming gases and store them away from the atmosphere – so, perfectly sensibly, countries get credit under the new system for preserving them. It is an essential measure to stop global warming. But the Canadian, Swedish and Finnish logging companies have successfully pressured their governments into inserting an absurd clause into the rules. The new rules say you can, in the name of “sustainable forest management”, cut down almost all the trees – without losing credits. It’s Kafkaesque: a felled forest doesn’t increase your official emissions… even though it increases your actual emissions.

    Trick Four: Picking a fake baseline. All the scientific recommendations take 1990 as the dangerously high baseline we need to cut from. So when we talk about a 40 percent cut, we mean 40 percent less than 1990. But the Americans have – in a stroke of advertising genius – shifted to taking 2005 as their baseline. Everybody else is talking about 1990 levels, except them. So when the US promises a 17 percent cut on 2005 levels, they are in fact offering a 4 percent cut on 1990 levels – far less than other rich countries.

    There are dozens more examples like this, but you and I would lapse into a coma if I listed them. This is deliberate. This system has been made incomprehensible because if we understood, ordinary citizens would be outraged. If these were good faith negotiations, such loopholes would be dismissed in seconds. And the rich countries are flatly refusing to make even these enfeebled, leaky cuts legally binding. You can toss them in the bin the moment you leave the conference center, and nobody will have any comeback. On the most important issue in the world – the stability of our biosphere – we are being scammed.

    Our leaders are aren’t giving us Hopenhagen – they’re giving us Cokenhagen, a sugary feelgood hit filled with sickly additives and no nutrition. Their behaviour here – where the bare minimum described as safe by scientists isn’t even being considered – indicates they are more scared of the corporate lobbyists that fund their campaigns, or the denialist streak in their own country, than of rising seas and falling civilizations.

    But there is one reason why I am still – despite everything – defiantly hopeful. Converging on this city now are thousands of ordinary citizens who aren’t going to take it any more. They aren’t going to watch passively while our ecosystems are vandalized. They are demanding only what the cold, hard science demands – real and rapid cuts, enforced by a global environmental court that will punish any nation that endangers us all. This movement will not go away. Copenhagen has soured into a con – but from the wreckage, there could arise a stronger demand for a true solution.

    If we don’t raise the political temperature very fast, the physical temperature will rise – and we can say goodbye to Leah, and to the only safe climate we have ever known.

    About Johann

    Johann Hari is an award-winning journalist who writes twice-weekly for the Independent, one of Britain’s leading newspapers, and the Huffington Post. He also writes for the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, Le Monde, Le Monde Diplomatique, The New Republic, El Mundo, The Guardian, The Melbourne Age, the Sydney Morning Herald, South Africa’s Star, The Irish Times, and a wide range of other international newspapers and magazines. Read more about Johann…

    Johann

  • Scientists turn to Inuit for climate clues

     

    “The Arctic is at the epicentre of climate change. Inuit traditions and subsistence practices have already been assaulted,” stated the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) in a call for action at the 15th Conference of Parties (CoP15) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, underway in the Danish capital.

    “Government leaders at CoP15 must take the strongest possible measures to protect our Arctic homeland,” read the call for action from the ICC, which represents approximately 160,000 Inuit living in Greenland, Russia, Canada and the United States.

    Not only are political leaders around the world not doing enough to limit global warming, but also the best of mainstream science still cannot properly predict the impact of climate change in the Arctic.

    This is one reason why researchers are turning to the experience of the Inuit themselves to read the signs of global warming. ICC researchers and veteran polar explorers like Will Steger, among others, have started interviewing Inuit hunters, fishermen and farmers in an attempt to mix mainstream science with traditional knowledge to better understand nature.

    The Inuit, who know the weather and relief patterns and see the alterations brought about by global warming with their own eyes, are also being included in mapping exercises to precisely gain local effects of climate change.

    The involvement of the Inuit is crucial also because alterations brought on by climate change increase the chances of intervention in their lifestyle – impossible a decade ago.

    Kasper Brandt, an Inuit hunter from Greenland, told researchers from ICC that a barometer used for generations in his family “does not have faith in the weather anymore.”

    “The Inuit no longer have the same mobility that they used to, as a consequence of modernisation in their lifestyle, so they are not as flexible to adapt to the changes in weather patterns,” explained Lene Holm, ICC Greenland’s director for environment, here on Saturday.

    Temperatures in the extreme north are rising faster than elsewhere around the world, causing ice to melt at an accelerated pace. In turn, this has led to a shortening of the hunting season, with negative impacts on livelihood provision. The air has become more humid in spring, making it more difficult to keep up with the traditional practice of drying fish

    Changes in the Arctic region will affect not just the Inuit. Alarm bells are sounding about the melting of the Siberian permafrost, leading to the release of massive quantities of greenhouse gases (GhG) into the atmosphere, further accelerating anthropogenic global warming.

    And the melting of the ice sheet in Greenland could raise sea levels by seven meters, explained environmental biologist Stephen Schneider from Stanford University, in Copenhagen on Saturday.

    Schneider, also a leading climate change scientist, said current research is insufficient to clearly understand the correlation between global temperature increase and sea level rise, and said he doubted that drastic changes could be prevented.

    Using a metaphor, Schneider said that reaching the tipping point at which a seven meter rise in sea level can occur is like going towards the top of a hill after which the bus will uncontrollably go down. “The problem is that while we assume that the bus is driven by a professional driver, it’s actually being driven by some quarrelling teenagers,” Schneider commented.

  • US left behind in technological race to fight climate change

     

    Yesterday afternoon in Copenhagen – where the UN climate talks are entering their second week – Professor Chu unveiled what would have been a series of inspiring innovations, had he made this speech 15 years ago. Barely suppressing his excitement, he told us the US has discovered there is great potential for making fridges more efficient, and that the same principle could even be extended to lighting, heating and whole buildings. The Department of Energy is so thrilled by this discovery that it has launched a programme to retrofit homes in the US, on which it will spend $400m a year.

    To put this in perspective, four years ago the German government announced it would spend the equivalent of $1.6bn a year on the same job: as a result every house in Germany should be airtight and well insulated by 2025. The US has about 110m households; Germany has roughly 37m, and German homes were more energy-efficient in the first place. This $400m is a drop in the ocean.

    Professor Chu went on to explain two amazing new discoveries: a camera which can see how much heat is leaking from your home and a meter which allows you to audit your own energy use. Perhaps thermal imaging cameras and energy monitors seem new and exciting in the US, but on this side of the Atlantic, though their full potential is still a long way from being realised, they’ve been familiar for more than a decade.

    He thrilled us with another US innovation, a technology called pumped storage: water can be pumped up a hill when electricity is cheap and released when it’s expensive. The UK started building its first pumped storage plant, Dinorwig, in 1974. Then he told us about a radical system for heating buildings by extracting heat from water: this must have been the one that the Royal Festival Hall used in 1951.

    I’m sure these technologies have in fact been deployed for years in parts of the US. My point is that Chu appeared to believe that they represent the cutting edge of both technology and public policy.

    The energy secretary explained that the US is now making “a very big investment” in developing and testing new components for wind turbines. The “very big investment” is $70m, which is what the US spends on subsidies and forgoes in tax breaks for fossil fuels every two days.

    As if to hammer home the point that the Department of Energy seems to be stuck in a time-warp, and as if to highlight the sad decline of technological innovation in the US, Chu finished his talk with a disquisition on the beauty of the earth as seen by the Apollo astronauts.

    What has happened to the great pioneering nation, the economic superpower which once drove innovation everywhere? How did it end up so far behind much smaller economies in boring old Europe? How come, when the rest of the developed world has moved on, it suddenly looks like a relic of the Soviet Union, with filthy, inefficient industries, vast opencast coal mines and cars and appliances which belong in the 1950s?

    It can’t all be blamed on George Bush: this technological backwardness pre-dates him. The real problem is the terror of all modern US governments of being seen to interfere in the free market. It’s ironic that the lack of effective regulation in the US has not ensured – as the free market fundamentalists prophesied – that the US came out in front, but that it has been left far behind. Just ask the car manufacturers. The truth, too uncomfortable to be discussed by US officials, is that government regulations are among the main drivers of technological innovation.

     

    monbiot.com

  • The Copenhagen conference means life or death for the Maldives

     

    The Maldives is not alone: other atoll countries, like the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu and Kiribati are in the same boat. Other vulnerable states, particularly those in Africa which are prone to drought and harvest failures, and nations in Central America and Asia which could suffer stronger hurricanes and more extreme weather, also know that 1.5C is the key line for them. At the UN climate talks in Copenhagen, more than 100 countries are determined to hold the line on 1.5C.

    The problem is that time is rapidly running out. Senior climate scientists have been holding side events in the main conference centre, explaining what different temperature rises mean, and how emissions trajectories need to change to avoid them. When I asked Dr Richard Betts, head of climate impacts at the Met Office Hadley Centre, what would need to happen to restrain the temperature rise to 1.5C, his response was surprising: “The world would need to peak its carbon emissions by last Wednesday,” he said.

    Was Betts being facetious? Slightly — but he was also underlining a deadly serious point. “Well obviously we can’t be that precise,” he clarified. “But the truth is that according to some of our latest modelling work, to have a 50-50 chance of staying below 1.5C, we need to be peaking emissions round about now – this month or so.” And if we don’t, the chances of restraining temperatures to this relatively modest level quickly begin to diminish. If emissions go on rising for another decade, he told me, the window of opportunity for having a 50-50 chance of keeping emissions even below 2C also begins to close.

    The debate about whether humanity should aim for 1.5C or 2C is one of the most heated here at Copenhagen. Europe has been committed to 2C for a long time, and at the most recent G20 summit other big nations — including the US — also signed up. In the current draft of the text being considered by negotiators here, both 1.5C and 2C appear in square brackets, showing that they are still being debated. Few seasoned delegates expect the 1.5C to survive the week.

    For the last decade the US has been the primary bad guy — but now India and China seem to be assuming that mantle. India strongly opposes any mention in the negotiating text about when global emissions should peak, because it fears that any such commitment would eventually force it to have to take on a mandatory carbon emissions target itself: anathema to a developing country which plans to burn an increasing quantity of coal over future decades.

    India and China have for the first time offered numerical targets — but these refer only to emissions intensity (carbon released per unit of GDP) rather than absolute amounts of carbon. So China’s intensity cut of 45% will likely lead to a CO2 rise of 100% over the next decade alone. Nor is America’s offer much better: just 3% below 1990 levels by 2020 is worse than the target the Clinton-Gore administration signed up to 15 years ago at the Kyoto protocol meeting.

    Not everyone’s targets are inadequate. The Maldives (which I am currently advising) have pledged to be the world’s first carbon neutral country, achieving this by 2019. Costa Rica will be the second, by 2021. But if you add together all the targets offered by the main players, the eventual temperature rise will take us well over 3C: between 3.5 and 3.9C, according to the latest analyses. That’s still better than business as usual, which gives a likely temperature outcome of 4.8C. But it is hardly a safe climate either.

    In just five days’ time, the world will know which way it is headed – not because of any advances in climate science, but because heads of state gathering in Copenhagen will have made their decisions. A temperature rise of 1.5 is still just about possible, but not for much longer. On this, the fate of the Maldives, and many other countries like it, rests.

     

    • Mark Lynas is author of Six Degrees: Our future on a hotter planet, and adviser on climate change to the Maldives. He is also presenting a nightly live webcast from Copenhagen with the director of the Age of Stupid and founder of the 10:10 campaign, Franny Armstrong.

     

  • Protestors in Seattle warned us what was coming, but we didn’t listen

     

    But it’s crucial if we are to have any sensible understanding of the first decade of the century to grasp how the Seattle agenda was traduced and its promise of a global civil society was dismantled. Go back to 1999 and what was all the fuss about? In part, Seattle was a protest about a highly volatile financial system built on unsustainable levels of debt. Asia had just been through a bruising financial collapse, millions of people in countries such as Indonesia had dropped back below the poverty line in what Paul Krugman describes as “one of the worst economic slumps in world history”. Economists such as Martin Khor were central to the critique that the “liberal world order” promoted by globalisation benefited only a small proportion of the global population.

    Another key target in Seattle was corporate power; it manipulated globalisation for its own profit, ruthlessly corrupting all political systems. National governments had neither the appetite nor capacity to call them to account. Finally, Seattle was a protest against the economic system of global capitalism, which was destructive of the environment and was burning through finite resources at ever faster speed.

    Any of that sound relevant in 2009? But the curious thing back in 1999 was how quickly and effectively this urgent agenda got buried. There was Genoa, Prague, the 2001 May Day riots in London, and then it petered out. Let’s be honest, it was an odd protest movement – the “anti-globalisation” agenda attracted a hugely disparate following that had as much to argue about with itself as with anyone else. All that united them was a stubborn belief that the model of globalisation being aggressively promoted by the west had many disastrous outcomes. They differed dramatically about what to do about it, and that was their weakness.

    But they did have a convincing critique of globalisation – its instability and its profligate use of environmental resources. When someone points out your house is about to fall down, you might listen even if they don’t know how to do the repairs. If they pointed out that you were digging up the foundations, you might listen even harder.

    Instead, what happened was that Seattle’s riots prompted a rash of apologetics for globalisation. Throughout 2000 and 2001 there was a repeated refrain about the inevitability of globalisation. Tony Blair declared that “these forces of change driving the future don’t stop at national boundaries. Don’t respect tradition. They wait for no one and no nation. They are universal.” Blair had made globalisation into an uncontrollable phenomenon, like a tsunami; we voters were being bullied by a political establishment.

    It was dressed up with triumphalism. Globalisation was making more people richer than at any time in history, said Adair Turner in his book Just Capital, “with better food … longer lives” and “the freedom of personal mobility to move to new places”. India was the poster boy of globalisation with its growing middle class. Anthony Giddens and Will Hutton edited a collection, On the Edge, in which they acknowledged the threat of financial instability and urged better global regulation, but insisted that “the task, surely, in the absence of alternatives, is to keep the current system going and improve it … it is a source of global enrichment”.

    But who was richer and who had better food? The protesters in Seattle insisted the triumphalism was misplaced; from the perspective of the vast majority of the world’s population, the “liberal world order” was neither ordered nor recognisably liberal. They cited the poignant phrase “zones of sacrifice” for those whose environments and communities that were destroyed in this process of enrichment.

    Then 9/11 happened and the debate stopped. In its place emerged a noisy charade of argument about a clash of civilisations in which many straw men have been knocked down. It was a revived mythology that benefited only the self-aggrandising political ambitions of Osama bin Laden and George Bush, but it launched two disastrous wars. And it distracted the world’s attention from the real threat for the best part of a decade.

     

    But now in 2009 we are back in Seattle’s agenda: financial regulation, climate change and how to ensure politicians challenge the entrenched power of corporations, whether banks or oil companies. The intervening decade has piled up more evidence that the liberal world order is no such thing. Greece and Iceland now know what Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand knew in 1999. Savage public spending cuts used to be the medicine the International Monetary Fund doled out to sickly developing countries, now we have to self-medicate.

    And we’ve lost a decade in curbing the rapacious corporate drive to exploit natural resources, driven by the west’s insatiable appetite for economic growth. Last week, there was a report of the acidification of the world’s oceans, now accelerating at a terrifying speed, threatening all marine life. A third of the world’s soils, millions of years in the making, are depleting faster than we regenerate them. On every continent an environmental catastrophe is brewing that makes you want to weep: Australia is a cocktail of water scarcity, salination and soil erosion. The continent would have been better off if we had never discovered it, never taken our cloven-hoofed animals there to destroy its fragile soils.

    It’s been a decade of hubris that has led only to tragedy. The limits of western military force have been exposed; its financial power has been revealed as a form of gambling that brought the global economy to the edge. The fallout – in jobs and lives – has only just begun. Copenhagen reminds us that we have been living in a civilisation which has been destroying the life systems on which human wellbeing depends. Never has it been so hard to argue that there is such a thing as progress and that it is represented by liberal capitalism – 1999 promised the beginnings of a global civil protest, but the message of the protesters in Seattle was too radical and too true so it had to be ridiculed and marginalised.

  • Australia accused of cooking carbon books

     

    The dramatic increase has mainly been caused by rising emissions from Australia’s rural lands, caused by bushfires and drought.

    But it is those very same agricultural, grazing and grasslands that both major political parties in Australia hope will help offset the country’s rising industrial emissions.

    Australia has led the charge on proposed land use rule changes to the new global climate deal. The changes will open the door to the bonanza of green carbon that can be stored away in the world’s rural lands.

     

    ‘Get out of jail free’

     

    But the move is deeply dividing the Copenhagen conference. Australia – and other big players – have been accused of a trying to pull off a rort.

    Christine Milne, who is in Copenhagen as the climate change spokesperson for the Australian Greens, says Australia has been trying to “cook the books”.

    “The United States has always wanted to use Land Use Land Use Change and Forestry as a mechanism for not having to do as much in its fossil fuel sector, and Australia has always been the fall guy for the US,” she said.

    “So I think what you are seeing is the umbrella group, chaired by Australia, including the US, including Canada, trying to really cook the books in some dodgy deals on land use.”

    That is not an error. It is actually called Land Use Land Use Change and Forestry. Everything in these negotiations has an acronym – this one is LULU_CF.

    But developing nations fear that with some changes to the existing rules, LULU_CF may be the way that countries like Australia will wriggle out of the reductions currently being negotiated for 2020 greenhouse targets.

    A climate scientist for International Rivers network, Dr Payal Parekh, says such loopholes will water down the carbon targets.

    “It essentially means that developed countries, including Australia, could actually increase their emissions in the next few years,” he said.

    “What it means is that it is a total scam. It appears as if something is done, but it is not.

    “The best way to sum it up is that it is a ‘get out of jail free card’.”

     

    Emissions blow-out

     

    Earlier this year, Australia quietly supplied the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change with its latest official greenhouse data.

    With a blow-out in emissions in the land use sector of 657 per cent, it is no surprise the Government was not keen to publicise the figures.

    Australia has chosen not to account for these land use emissions as part of its reporting under the Kyoto Protocol.

    This is because with events such as bushfires and drought, there are huge and unpredictable spikes – for example, the 2002-03 Victorian bushfires caused a massive blow-out in Australia’s emissions.

    But because the Government is desperate to unlock Australia’s rural lands for so-called carbon farming, it is proposing LULU_CF rule changes that would mean nations did not have to account for emissions caused by so-called extraordinary events or circumstances.

    Then the door could be opened to carbon farming in paddocks and grasslands from Wubin to Wangaratta, from Burke to Barcaldine.

    But an expert on LULU_CF for Greenpeace International, Paul Winn, is not impressed.

    “These are basically accounting frauds; they’re just shuffling the cards,” he said.

    “The atmosphere sees the same amounts of emissions, but the accounts are shuffled.”

     

    ‘Green carbon’ controversy

     

    Australia is not the only country playing this game. The Americans – who already trade carbon for about $US5 a tonne on the Chicago Climate Exchange – have made it clear they will be making extensive use of land use off-sets.

    No-one is arguing that carbon farming is a bad thing. At its simplest, it will involve farmers adopting landcare principles they have been encouraged to follow for decades.

    In fact, carbon farming has become almost the holy grail of sustainable land management, giving farmers another income stream to “do the right thing” – with outcomes that will boost biodiversity and agricultural productivity.

    But the argument is whether this ‘green carbon’ will become a substitute for dealing with the brown carbon – the emissions that come out of our smokestacks and tailpipes.

    And that is why it has become such a controversial issue during negotiations at Copenhagen for a new global climate deal.

    Developing nations are increasingly recognising the potential for countries such as Canada, the US and Australia to offset rising industrial pollution against carbon sequestration in rural landscapes.

    “What’s going on here is that there is a suggestion that you can use Land Use Land Use Change and Forestry and the creative accounting around that without the robust figures in place,” Christine Milne said.

    “And you can use that to offset your emissions reduction targets, especially in your fossil fuel sector.

    “It is very clear that you need to reduce your emissions from fossil fuels and you need to sequester carbon in the landscape and you need to protect your forests as carbon stores, but that isn’t happening,” she continued.

    “What we are seeing is attempts to be offset and quite dishonest systems so that we are going to end up with something that doesn’t actually save the climate.”

    Greenpeace’s Paul Winn is worried that carbon farming will undermine the integrity of the 2020 targets, assuming they are agreed to this week.

    “This has the potential to be the green-washing of Copenhagen; there are a number of factors that will affect Australia and at a stroke of the pen will change emissions into removals,” he said.

     

    Doubts about effectiveness

     

    The Government, for its part, does not see what the fuss is all about. It is not proposing any caps on land use offsets.

    Climate Change Minister Penny Wong is keen to find and save a tonne of carbon wherever she can – at the smokestack or out in the back-blocks.

    The Government says emission reductions from Australia’s forest and agriculture sector are just as real as reductions in other sectors of the economy.

    But a source who knows the arcane world of greenhouse gas accounting well is not so sure.

    This source told Radio National Breakfast that there were huge problems trying to account for carbon in rural landscapes.

    And given the uncertainty, the only “real” emissions – the ones that really needed to be cut – came from the energy, transport and industrial sectors.

    “This is all about paper shuffling. It’s not about reducing emissions,” the source told Breakfast.

    “I would be suspicious any [accounting] method in that land use sector is tactical to reduce pressure on other emissions.

    “This Government is not any more committed to doing anything about cutting greenhouse gas emissions than the previous government – and we’re not the only country doing it.”