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  • Rare iceberg flotilla in southern pacific poses threat to shipping

     

    Large numbers of icebergs last floated close to New Zealand in 2006, when some were visible from the coastline – the first such sighting since 1931.

    An iceberg up to 200 metres long had reached 160 miles south-east of New Zealand’s Stewart Island on Tuesday, Australian glaciologist Neal Young said.

    He could not say how many icebergs were at large in the south Pacific, but said he had counted 130 in one satellite image alone and 100 in another.

    New Zealand oceanographer Mike Williams said the icebergs were drifting at a speed of about 16 miles a day, and he expected most would not reach New Zealand. He said he was “pretty sure these icebergs came from the break-up of the Ross sea ice shelf in 2000” – an ice shelf the size of France and the origin of the 2006 flotilla of icebergs.

    Temperatures have risen in the Antarctic Peninsula area near South America by as much as 3C in the last 60 years, and “whole ice shelves have broken up,” Young said. But he said the iceberg flotilla south of New Zealand came from the Ross Sea, a completely different area of Antarctica, and the event was unrelated to climate change(DEBATABLE

  • Pretending the climate email leak isn’t a crisis won’t make it go away

     

     

    The response of the greens and most of the scientists I know is profoundly ironic, as we spend so much of our time confronting other people’s denial. Pretending that this isn’t a real crisis isn’t going to make it go away. Nor is an attempt to justify the emails with technicalities. We’ll be able to get past this only by grasping reality, apologising where appropriate and demonstrating that it cannot happen again.

     

    It is true that much of what has been revealed could be explained as the usual cut and thrust of the peer review process, exacerbated by the extraordinary pressure the scientists were facing from a denial industry determined to crush them. One of the most damaging emails was sent by the head of the climatic research unit, Phil Jones. He wrote “I can’t see either of these papers being in the next IPCC report. Kevin and I will keep them out somehow – even if we have to redefine what the peer-review literature is!”

     

    One of these papers which was published in the journal Climate Research turned out to be so badly flawed that the scandal resulted in the resignation of the editor-in-chief. Jones knew that any incorrect papers by sceptical scientists would be picked up and amplified by climate change deniers funded by the fossil fuel industry, who often – as I documented in my book Heat – use all sorts of dirty tricks to advance their cause.

     

    Even so, his message looks awful. It gives the impression of confirming a potent meme circulated by those who campaign against taking action on climate change: that the IPCC process is biased. However good the detailed explanations may be, most people aren’t going to follow or understand them. Jones’s statement, on the other hand, is stark and easy to grasp.

     

     

    In this case you could argue that technically he has done nothing wrong. But a fat lot of good that will do. Think of the MPs’ expenses scandal: complaints about stolen data, denials and huffy responses achieved nothing at all. Most of the MPs could demonstrate that technically they were innocent: their expenses had been approved by the Commons office. It didn’t change public perceptions one jot. The only responses that have helped to restore public trust in Parliament are humility, openness and promises of reform.

     

    When it comes to his handling of Freedom of Information requests, Professor Jones might struggle even to use a technical defence. If you take the wording literally, in one case he appears to be suggesting that emails subject to a request be deleted, which means that he seems to be advocating potentially criminal activity. Even if no other message had been hacked, this would be sufficient to ensure his resignation as head of the unit.

     

    I feel desperately sorry for him: he must be walking through hell. But there is no helping it; he has to go, and the longer he leaves it, the worse it will get. He has a few days left in which to make an honourable exit. Otherwise, like the former Speaker of the House of Commons, Michael Martin, he will linger on until his remaining credibility vanishes, inflicting continuing damage to climate science.

     

    Some people say that I am romanticising science, that it is never as open and honest as the Popperian ideal. Perhaps. But I know that opaqueness and secrecy are the enemies of science. There is a word for the apparent repeated attempts to prevent disclosure revealed in these emails: unscientific.

     

    The crisis has been exacerbated by the university’s handling of it, which has been a total trainwreck: a textbook example of how not to respond. RealClimate reports that “We were made aware of the existence of this archive last Tuesday morning when the hackers attempted to upload it to RealClimate, and we notified CRU of their possible security breach later that day.” In other words, the university knew what was coming three days before the story broke. As far as I can tell, it sat like a rabbit in the headlights, waiting for disaster to strike.

     

    When the emails hit the news on Friday morning, the university appeared completely unprepared. There was no statement, no position, no one to interview. Reporters kept being fobbed off while CRU’s opponents landed blow upon blow on it. When a journalist I know finally managed to track down Phil Jones, he snapped “no comment” and put down the phone. This response is generally taken by the media to mean “guilty as charged”. When I got hold of him on Saturday, his answer was to send me a pdf called “WMO statement on the status of the global climate in 1999”. Had I a couple of hours to spare I might have been able to work out what the heck this had to do with the current crisis, but he offered no explanation.

    By then he should have been touring the TV studios for the past 36 hours, confronting his critics, making his case and apologising for his mistakes. Instead, he had disappeared off the face of the Earth. Now, far too late, he has given an interview to the Press Association, which has done nothing to change the story.

     

    The handling of this crisis suggests that nothing has been learnt by climate scientists in this country from 20 years of assaults on their discipline. They appear to have no idea what they’re up against or how to confront it. Their opponents might be scumbags, but their media strategy is exemplary.

     

    The greatest tragedy here is that despite many years of outright fabrication, fraud and deceit on the part of the climate change denial industry, documented in James Hoggan and Richard Littlemore’s brilliant new book Climate Cover-up, it is now the climate scientists who look bad. By comparison to his opponents, Phil Jones is pure as the driven snow. Hoggan and Littlemore have shown how fossil fuel industries have employed “experts” to lie, cheat and manipulate on their behalf. The revelations in their book (as well as in Heat and in Ross Gelbspan’s book The Heat Is On) are 100 times graver than anything contained in these emails.

     

    But the deniers’ campaign of lies, grotesque as it is, does not justify secrecy and suppression on the part of climate scientists. Far from it: it means that they must distinguish themselves from their opponents in every way. No one has been as badly let down by the revelations in these emails as those of us who have championed the science. We should be the first to demand that it is unimpeachable, not the last.

    monbiot.com

    Posted by George Monbiot Wednesday 25 November 2009 17.23 GMT

     

     

  • Coal industry scores sweetener in ETS deal

     

    “Overall, the most important thing is that we get the legislation passed this week so the prime minister can go to Copenhagen with legislation for the introduction of the emissions trading scheme. We need the momentum before Copenhagen, not after.’’

    But the ultimate fate of the deal, nutted out between the coalition’s chief climate change negotiator Ian Macfarlane and Climate Change Minister Penny Wong, still hangs in the balance.

    Shadow cabinet ticked off on the agreement at a meeting this morning but the joint coalition party room is still considering the deal.

    The meeting will be a major test of Opposition Leader Malcolm Turnbull’s authority with the Nationals flagging their opposition to any deal and up to a third of Liberal politicians suggesting they could oppose it.

    Cuts to household package

    Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Senator Wong said today the package, which will cost the budget an extra $204 million over the next four years, was ‘‘fiscally responsible’’.

    It includes extra expenditure of $1.28 billion over the next four years but this will be offset by cuts to the package for households, which will shave $910 million from the cost.

    But Mr Rudd denies poor families will be worse off from the changes.

    ‘‘We don’t intend with our families and in particular low-income families to shoulder the pain of the adjustment,’’ he told reporters. ‘‘This has to be done equitably across the entire economy.’’

    A transitional electricity cost assistance program of $1.1 billion will be established to assist medium and large manufacturing and mining businesses with scheme-related increases in electricity prices.

    Agricultural emissions will be excluded from the scheme and offsets for agricultural emissions abatement will be included.

    Voluntary action by households will now allow Australia to go beyond its 2020 emissions reduction target.

    The scheme will be amended to ensure that all existing and future purchases of GreenPower will be counted.

    The road to Copenhagen

    If they pass the Senate, Mr Rudd hopes to play a prominent role in negotiating a new global climate treaty at a summit in Copenhagen next month. Senate approval would mean Australia backing what would be only the second domestic emissions trading scheme outside of Europe to pass into law.

    The United States and New Zealand, which are also trying to pass carbon trading laws, are eyeing developments in Australia closely.

    Mr Rudd’s revised scheme still remains far from assured as opposition parties are deeply divided over it, with some conservatives vowing to vote against the laws regardless of the deal and some moving to delay the vote until February 2010.

    If the laws are again rejected by a hostile Senate after a failed August vote, Mr Rudd would have a trigger for a snap election on climate change.

    “A vote on the bill must be held before parliament rises this week. Passing the CPRS this week will give Australian businesses the certainty they need to make investments,” Mr Rudd said.

    “It will also mean Australia goes to Copenhagen with a means to deliver its targets and provide a much-needed boost to negotiations on a global deal.”

    Greens politicians disagreed.

    “Today is a black day for Australia’s green future, and we intend to campaign on this all the way to the next election. It’s polluters payday in parliament house,” said Senator Bob Brown, leader of the Australian Greens, which have five seats in the Senate.

    UN climate talks in Copenhagen in December will seek to reach agreement on broader, and tougher, strategy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions globally to replace or expand the existing Kyoto Protocol, whose first phase ends in 2012.

    AAP, Reuters

  • US to go to Copenhagen summit with proposed target on carbon emissions.

     

    America is the only major industrialised country that has yet to reveal its emissions reduction plan. The official did not give details on the stringency of the proposed cuts, but it is thought likely they would range from 14% to 20% from 2005 levels – still below those put forward by the EU and other industrialised countries.

    “The one thing the president has made clear is we want to take action consistent with the legislative process,” the official told reporters. “[We] don’t want to get out ahead or be at odds with what can be produced through legislation.

    The Observer reported on Sunday that the US was considering a “provisional target” at Copenhagen.

    Todd Stern, the state department climate change envoy, told the Observer: “What we are looking at is to see whether we could put down essentially a provisional number that would be contingent on our legislation.”

    Stern, who was speaking in Copenhagen, where he was meeting Danish officials, said: “We are looking at that, there are people we need to consult with.”

    The administration official shared that caution today, saying: “Whatever number we put on the table will be with reference to what can come out of the legislative process.”

    Obama has yet to decide if he will join about 65 other leaders – including Gordon Brown and the German chancellor, Angela Merkel – who have said they will attend the climate change summit, the official told reporters.

    “What the president has always said is if it looks as though the negotiations have proceeded sufficiently that going to Copenhagen would give a final impetus, a push, to the process, then he would be willing to go,” the senior administration official said. “We’re making the judgment as to whether it makes sense for him to go.”

    The announcement that Obama would propose a target for cutting emissions marks a shift in strategy for the White House. His administration, until today, has resisted international pressure to commit to cutting greenhouse gas emissions, fearing a domestic backlash if it were seen to pre-empt Congress in dealing with climate change.

    But the strategy led to growing frustration in the international community that the Copenhagen meeting would fail to produce the strong political agreement needed to avoid the worst ravages of climate change. The international community had been looking to Obama – who put climate change at the top of his agenda – to put America in the lead of efforts to deal with global warming. America has produced more greenhouse gas emissions than any other industrialised country.

    Sweden’s prime minister, Fredrik Reinfeldt, had criticised the US failure to commit to targets for cutting emissions as “untenable”.

    Obama will still have to tread cautiously in proposing America’s emissions cuts, however. The president promised to cut emissions by 14% over 2005 levels by 2020 when he was running for the White House. The house of representatives narrowly voted on a climate change bill last June, which proposed a 17% cut in greenhouse gas emissions from 2005 levels by 2020. A similar bill in the Senate proposed a 20% cut.

    But efforts to build a consensus around climate change legislation in the Senate have stalled. Senate leaders now say they do not expect to take up climate change law until February next year.

  • Global body needed to direct green technology, G77 says

     

    Developing nations argue that the costs should be paid by the rich nations, and that a new global body is required, perhaps working as part of the UN, to direct the world’s low-carbon transformation in sectors as diverse as power, transport and heavy industry.

    “We know that, to limit global temperature rises to below 2C, we’ll need a step change in global innovation and technology transfer,” said Shane Tomlinson of environment consultants E3G. “In the period to 2020, it’s vital we avoid high carbon lock-in. The infrastructure decisions that developing countries are taking today, such as new power stations, are going to determine their emissions pathways for 20-30 years.”

    In the short term, that means rolling out proven technologies such as onshore and offshore wind power, solar photovoltaics and energy efficiency measures. A recent analysis by the Climate Group found that, to meet the emissions targets already agreed by nations, 9.3bn tonnes of CO2 must be prevented from entering the atmosphere by 2020. But these will not be enough for the deep cuts – 80% or more on 1990 levels – that many rich countries will have to deliver by 2050, if the world is to limit warming to the 2C that scientists agree is the safe limit. By then, according to the International Energy Agency, 17 technologies will have to be developed and rolled out to deliver a reduction of 42bn tonnes of CO2. Most of that technology – ranging from carbon capture and storage, solar power and zero-emission vehicles – will need to be deployed in emerging economies.

    At Copenhagen, the first decision on technology will be to decide if a new co-ordinating body should have powers to command the clean tech roll out. “The G77 [group of developing nations] and China have proposed a new central executive, political body,” said Tomlinson. It would be part of the existing UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, which administers the Kyoto protocol.

    However, Europe and the US want only an advisory committee – their main concern is that a strong political body may end up channelling funds into state enterprises rather than keeping a level playing field for all businesses. Developing countries say an advisory body would have little power to drive the dramatic changes needed.

    The polarised debate has led some to compare the sharing of IP in green technology to arguments over whether pharmaceutical companies should give up patents for expensively developed HIV or malaria drugs in those nations blighted by the illnesses. Alia al-Dalli, deputy resident representative in Morocco for the United Nations Development Programme, said that without local education programmes, the only winners from Copenhagen will be multinational technology companies. “Capacity-development is very important – people need to be educated and aware. You’ve got to be able to produce technologies by the south for the south, in the south,” she said. “It will not merely be technology transfer.”

    Ambuj Sagar, a professor of policy studies at the Indian Institute of Technology – Delhi, said: “The best step would be if we stopped using the term technology transfer and started using something like innovation co-operation to signify that this is not a simple issue. It is not a hand-off from producers of technology to users of technology. We need co-operation instead of a simple reliance on markets to tackle what is an immense challenge.”

  • It’s Polluters Payday in Parliament House today

    Snap emergency actions tomorrow in
    Sydney and Melbourne
    Sydney: 1pm, Kevin Rudd’s office, 70 Phillip St (between Bent and Bridge Streets, closest train station is Circular Quay).
    Melbourne: 1pm, steps of the State Library marching to Lindsay Tanners office; call the Greens office for more info on 03 9912 2999.
    Letters to editors
    Always keep your letter to 150 words to give it maximum chance of getting published.
    It’s polluters’ payday in Parliament House.
    This is a polluters’ pact, giving another $5 billion to coal and more to other polluters.
    It is about saving Malcolm Turnbull and Kevin Rudd, not the planet.
    It is about being seen to do something, not about actually doing what is necessary.
    Families will pay more – another $5.8 billion – so that polluters pay less.
    The Greens are the only party with climate policies that are ecologically sensible and economically rational.
    The Prime Minister has adopted Coalition policy cloaked in Greens language. Australians will see through that and feel betrayed by a man they elected to tackle the climate crisis.
    The Prime Minister has loaded the dice against our children, giving them more than a 50% chance of facing catastrophic climate change.
    He has condemned the Great Barrier Reef and the Murray Darling.
    Watch and see as the CPRS triggers new investment in coal. How can that be a step forward?

    Adelaide Advertiser: submit letter here
    The Age: email letters to letters@theage.com.au
    The Australian: email letters to letters@theaustralian.com.au
    Australian Financial Review: email letters to edletters@afr.com.au
    Canberra Times: email letters to letters.editor@canberratimes.com.au
    The Courier Mail: submit letter at www.news.com.au/couriermail/editorial/letter
    The Daily Telegraph: email letters to letters@dailytelegraph.com.au
    The Herald Sun: submit letter at www.news.com.au/heraldsun/editorial/letter
    Mercury: email letters to mercuryedletter@dbl.newsltd.com.au
    Sydney Morning Herald: email letters to letters@smh.com.au
    The West Australian: email letters to letters@wanews.com.au.
    If any of these links don’t work, you can find them all at http://greensmps.org.au/help-spread-word-about-safe-climate-bill
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