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  • Object review needed for nuclear debate

    The debate on the merits or otherwise of nuclear power needs to be a rational, objective assessment based on hard science, economics and fact, according to Guy Webber, a consultant analyst writing for The Australian (7/6/2006, p.14).

    Unbiased review needed: "It must be open and public so that the issues, supported by reference material that is peer-reviewed and unbiased, can be appraised," Webber wrote. "As with any other public policy development, it cannot and should not be subjected to the harm of political expediency or the agenda of interest groups.

    National attention span lacking: "It remains to be seen whether the national attention deficit will allow the depth or breadth of discussion that is needed. Nonetheless, the next time a public figure pronounces with shallow thinking, blind ideology or media-driven imperative on any issue of policy, think about how such an approach to the development of this nation is harming us all," Webber added.

    Forum due in October: The Australian National Forum on Nuclear Power options will be held in Sydney in October

    The Australian, 7/6/2006, p. 14

    Source: Erisk Net

  • The Timely Death of al-Zarqawi


    The name change of the Zarqawi gang from its cumbersome original ­ "The Monotheism and Holy War Group" ­ to the more media-sexy "Qaeda" brand was thus a PR godsend for the Bush Administration, which was then able to associate the widespread native uprising against the Coalition occupation with the cave-dwelling dastards of the bin Laden organization. This proved an invaluable tool for the Pentagon’s massive "psy-op" campaign against the American people, which was successful in sufficiently obscuring reality and defusing rising public concerns about what many experts have termed "the full-blown FUBAR" in Iraq until after the 2004 elections.

    However, in the last year, even the reputed presence of a big stonking al Qaeda beheader guy roaming at will across the land has not prevented a catastrophic drop in support for President Bush in general and the war in Iraq in particular. Polls show that substantial majorities ­ even those still psy-oped into believing the conquest has something to do with fighting terrorism ­ are now saying that the war "is not worth it" and call for American forces to begin withdrawing.

    With the Zarqawi theme thus producing diminishing returns, the Administration has had another stroke of unexpected luck with his reputed sudden demise. Moreover, the fact that Zarqawi was killed in a military action means that Mr. Bush will not have to cough up the $25 million reward placed on the head of the terrorist chieftain. That money will now be given to Mr. Bush’s favorite charity, Upper-Class Twits Against the Inheritance Tax, an Administration spokesman said.

    Despite its fortuitousness, the reputed death of the multi-legged brigand came as no real surprise. After all, approximately 376 of his "top lieutenants" had been killed or captured by Coalition forces in the past three years, according to press reports, and some 5,997 lower-ranking "al Qaeda terrorists" have been killed in innumerable operations during that same period, according to Pentagon press releases. With the widespread, on-going, much-publicized decimation of his group, Zarqawi had obviously been rendered isolated and ineffective ­ except of course for the relentless series of high-profile terrorist spectaculars he kept carrying out, according to other Pentagon press releases.

    News of the reputed rub-out brought bipartisan praise. "This enormous victory in the War on Terror is due entirely to the courage and wisdom of the president," squealed Senate Majority Leader Lick Spittle of Tennessee. "He has seen us through when so many of the flag-burning destroyers of marriage wanted to cut and run. I think this president is the best president the world has ever seen, and if I am ever fortunate enough to be chosen as president by the American people ­ minus the three million or so whose votes will be discarded, lost, inadvertently mangled or just ignored, of course ­ I promise I’ll be a president just like him!"

    "We must give credit where credit is due," said Democratic Sen. Joe Biden, in a rare television appearance. "I have my differences with the way the Administration is conducting this war, but the elimination of Zarqawi is, I believe, a turning point, comparable to the capture of Saddam Hussein, the first Iraqi elections, the second Iraqi elections, the formation of the first Iraqi government and the formation of the second Iraqi government. This is not the end, or even the beginning of the end, but it is, I believe, the end of the beginning. And no, I didn’t plagiarize that. I made it up my own self."

    The reputed end of Zarqawi’s reign of terror comes a mere four years after U.S. forces had pinpointed his hideout and were prepared to destroy his entire operation, only to be forestalled by the White House. Before the war, Zarqawi and his band of non-Iraqi Islamic extremists had a camp in northern Iraq, in territory controlled by American-backed Kurdish forces, who had wrested it from the hands of Saddam Hussein. U.S. Special Forces, CIA agents and other American personnel had a free hand to operate there; indeed, anti-Saddam Iraqi exiles held open meetings in the territory, safe from the reach of the dictator.

    In June 2002, American forces had locked in on Zarqawi’s location. They prepared a detailed attack plan that would have destroyed the terrorist band. But their request to strike was turned down not once, but twice by the White House. Administration officials feared that such a strike would have muddied the waters in their public relations effort to foment war fever against Saddam’s regime.

    At every turn, the Bush team had painted a picture of Saddam Hussein as a powerful dictator able to threaten the entire world. They had implied, insinuated and sometimes openly declared that he was in league with al Qaeda. But this wildly successful psy-ops campaign would have been undermined by a raid on Zarqawi, which would have exposed the truth: that Saddam was a crippled, toothless despot who had lost control of much of his own land and couldn’t even threaten vast enemy armies within his own borders ­ much less his neighbors or the rest of the world. It would have also exposed the fact that the only Islamic terrorists operating on Iraqi soil were in areas controlled by America and its allies ­ which, now that Mr. Bush’s invasion has opened the whole country to extremist terror, is still the case.

    With Zarqawi’s Bush-granted liberty reputedly at an end, the Pentagon moved quickly to confirm the identity of the man killed in Hibhib today. At a joint press conference with Prime Minister Maliki, U.S. Gen. George Casey said Zarqawi’s body had been identified by "fingerprints, facial recognition and known scars" after a painstaking forensic examination by Lt. Col. Gil Grissom and Major Catherine Willows.

    In yet another amazing coincidence, the announcement of the death of Zarqawi or somebody just like him came just as Prime Minister Maliki was finally submitting his candidates for the long-disputed posts of defense and interior ministers, which then sailed through parliament after months of deadlock. The fortuitous death also came after perhaps the worst week of bad PR the Bush Administration has endured during the entire war, with an outpouring of stories alleging a number of horrific atrocities committed by U.S. troops in recent months.

    Oddly enough, Zarqawi first vaulted into the American consciousness just after the public exposure of earlier U.S. atrocities: the tortures at Abu Ghraib prison in the spring of 2004. With story after story of horrible abuse battering the Administration during an election year, Zarqawi, or someone just like him, suddenly appeared with a Grand Guignol production: the beheading of American civilian Nick Berg. This atrocity was instantly seized upon by supporters of the war to justify the "intensive interrogation" of "terrorists" ­ even though the Red Cross had determined that 70 to 90 percent of American captives at that time had committed no crime whatsoever, much less been involved in terrorism, as the notorious anti-war Wall Street Journal reported. Abu Ghraib largely faded from the public eye ­ indeed, it was not mentioned by a single speaker at the Democratic National Convention a few weeks later or raised as an issue during the presidential campaign that year.

    Today’s news has likewise knocked the new atrocity allegations off the front pages, to be replaced with heartening stories of how, as the New York Times reports, Zarqawi’s death "appears to mark a major watershed in the war." Thus in his reputed end as in his reputed beginning, the Scarlet Pimpernel of Iraq has, by remarkable coincidence, done yeoman service for the immediate publicity needs of his deadly enemy, the Bush Administration.

    It is not yet known who will now take Zarqawi’s place as the new all-purpose, all-powerful bogeyman solely responsible for every bad thing in Iraq. There were recent indications that Maliki himself was being measured for the post, after he publicly denounced American atrocities and the occupiers’ propensity for hair-trigger killing of civilians, but he seems to be back with the program now. Administration insiders are reportedly divided over shifting the horns to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s already much-demonized head, or planting them on extremist Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, or elevating some hitherto unknown local talent ­ or maybe just blaming the whole shebang on Fidel Castro, for old times’ sake.

    The announcement of the new bogeyman is expected sometime in the coming weeks.

    ***

    UPDATE: It looks like the Twits might not get that reward money after all. Prime Minister Maliki said that those who helped locate Zarqawi, or someone just like him, in Hibhib, would get their reward later: "We believe in honoring our commitments." However, the (London) Times’ man in Iraq, Ned Parker, tells us that Zazqawi might have been shopped to the Americans by Iraqi insurgents:

    "One of the most interesting things about the news of his death is the timing. There have been talks going on since the election last December by US and Iraqi officials to try to bring the homegrown insurgency back into the political process. Certainly there was tension between the homegrown Iraqi insurgency and Zarqawi’s foreign fighters. So it’s possible a deal was finally cut by some branch of the Iraqi insurgency to eliminate al-Zarqawi and rid themselves of his heavy-handed influence."

    So if Bush does decide to pay off the informants — and it’s his money, after all, not Maliki’s; in fact, in today’s Iraq, any money that Maliki’s government might still have left after three years of occupation rapine is Bush’s money too — but if Zarqawi’s rumblers are paid off, then it’s likely that Bush will be forking over $25 million to Iraq’s Sunni insurgents. That will certainly keep them flush with IEDs for a long time to come. It’s FUBAR every which way you turn in Bush’s Babylon.

    Chris Floyd is an American journalist. He writes weekly column for The Moscow Times and is a regular contributor to CounterPunch. His blog, Empire Burlesque, can be found at www.chris-floyd.com.


  • House Rejects Net Neutrality

    "Special interest advocates from telephone and cable companies have flooded the Congress with misinformation delivered by an army of lobbyists to undermine decades-long federal practice of prohibiting network owners from discriminating against competitors to shut out competition. Unless the Senate steps in, (Thursday’s) vote marks the beginning of the end of the Internet as an engine of new competition, entrepreneurship and innovation." says Jeannine Kenney, a senior policy analyst for Consumers Union.

    In case there was any question that Kenney’s assessment was accurate, the House voted 269-152 against an amendment, offered by Massachusetts Democrat Ed Markey, which would have codified net neutrality regulations into federal law. The Markey amendment would have prevented broadband providers from rigging their services to create two-tier access to the Internet – with an "information superhighway" for sites that pay fees for preferential treatment and a dirt road for sites that cannot pay the toll.

    After explicitly rejecting the Markey amendment’s language, which would have barred telephone and cable companies from taking steps "to block, impair, degrade, discriminate against, or interfere with the ability of any person to use a broadband connection to access…services over the Internet," the House quickly took up the COPE legislation.

    The bill drew overwhelming support from Republican members of the House, with the GOP caucus voting 215-8 in favor of it. But Democrats also favored the proposal, albeit by a narrower vote of 106 to 92. The House’s sole independent member, Vermont’s Bernie Sanders, a champion of internet freedom who is seeking his state’s open Senate seat this fall, voted against the measure.

    Joining Sanders in voting against the legislation were most members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, including its co-chairs, California Representatives Barbara Lee and Lynn Woolsey, as well as genuine conservatives who have joined the fight to defend free speech and open discourse on the internet, including House Judiciary Committee chair James Sensenbrenner, R-Wisconsin, and Intelligence Committee chair Pete Hoekstra, R-Michigan.

    The left-meets-right voting in the House reflected the coalition that has formed to defend net neutrality, which includes such unlikely political bedfellows as the Christian Coalition of America, MoveOn.org, National Religious Broadcasters, the Service Employees International Union, the American Library Association, the American Association of Retired People, the American Civil Liberties Union and all of the nation’s major consumer groups.

    House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-California, opposed COPE, while House Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Illinois, and Majority Leader John Boehner, R-Ohio, were enthusiastically supported it.

    Among the Democrats who followed the lead of Hastert and Boehner – as opposed to that of Pelosi – were House Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer and Maryland Representative Ben Cardin, who is running for that state’s open Senate seat in a September Democratic-primary contest with former NAACP President Kweisi Mfume. Illinois Democrat Melissa Bean, who frequently splits with her party on issues of interest to corporate donors, voted with the Republican leadership, as did corporate-friendly "New Democrats" such as Alabama’s Artur Davis, Washington’s Adam Smith and Wisconsin’s Ron Kind – all co-chairs of the Democratic Leadership Council-tied House New Democrat Coalition.

    The fight over net neutrality now moves to the Senate, where Maine Republican Olympia Snowe and North Dakota Democrat Byron Dorgan have introduced legislation to codify the net neutrality principles of equal and unfettered access to Internet content into federal law. Mark Cooper, the director of research for the Consumers Federation of America, thinks net neutrality will find more friends in the Senate, at least in part because the "Save the Internet" coalition that has grown to include more than 700 groups, 5,000 bloggers and 800,000 individuals is rapidly expanding.

    "This coalition will continue to grow, millions of Americans will add their voices, and Congress will not escape the roar of public opinion until Congress passes enforceable net neutrality," says Cooper.

    Cooper’s correct to be more hopeful about the Senate than the House. But the House vote points up the need to get Democrats united on this issue. There’s little question that a united Democratic caucus could combine with principled Republicans in the Senate to defend net neutrality. But if so-called "New Democrats" in the Senate side with the telephone and cable lobbies, the information superhighway will become a toll road.


  • Russia starts dollar sell-off

    The Russian Central Bank’s move ties in with increasing signs that Middle Eastern oil exporters are also looking to diversify their reserves out of the dollar. “This is a bearish development for the dollar,” Chris Turner, head of currency research at ING Financial Markets, told the British Financial Times. “It reminds us that global surpluses are accumulating to the oil exporters,and Russia is telling us that an increasingly lower proportion of these reserves will be held in dollars. This suggests there is a trend shift away from the dollar.”

    Clyde Wardle, senior Emerging Market Currency strategist at HSBC, told the paper: “We have heard talk that Middle Eastern countries are doing a similar thing and even some Asian countries have indicated their desire to do so.”

    Moscow’s move was unsurprising. Russia’s $71.5billion Stabilization fund, which accumulates windfall oil revenues, is due to be converted from rubles to 45 percent dollars, 45 percent euros and 10 percent sterling. The day-to-day movements of the ruble are monitored against a basket of 0.6 dollars and 0.4 euros. About 39 percent of Russia’s goods imports came from the eurozone in 2005, against just 4 percent from the US.

    The statement plays into a perception that central banks, which together hold $4.25 trillion of reserves, are increasingly channeling fresh reserves away from the dollar to reduce potential losses if the dollar was to fall sharply.


  • Unreported – The Zarqawi Invitation

    The Plan was a 101-page document to guide the long-term future of the land we’d just conquered.  There was nothing in it about democracy or elections or safety.  There was, rather, a detailed schedule for selling off "all [Iraq’s] state assets" — and Iraq, that’s just about everything — "especially," said The Plan, "the oil and supporting industries."  Especially the oil.

    There was more than oil to sell off.  The Plan included the sale of Iraq’s banks, and weirdly, changing it’s copyright laws and other odd items that made the plan look less like a program for Iraq to get on its feet than a program for corporate looting of the nation’s assets.  (And indeed, we discovered at BBC, behind many of the odder elements — copyright and tax code changes — was the hand of lobbyist Jack Abramoff’s associate Grover Norquist.)

    But Garner didn’t think much of The Plan, he told me when we met a year later in Washington.  He had other things on his mind.  "You prevent epidemics, you start the food distribution program to prevent famine."

    Seizing title and ownership of Iraq’s oil fields was not on Garner’s must-do list.  He let that be known to Washington.  "I don’t think [Iraqis] need to go by the U.S. plan, I think that what we need to do is set an Iraqi government that represents the freely elected will of the people."  He added, "It’s their country their oil."

    Apparently, the Secretary of Defense disagreed.   So did lobbyist Norquist.  And Garner incurred their fury by getting carried away with the "democracy" idea:  he called for quick elections — within 90 days of the taking of Baghdad.

    But Garner’s 90-days-to-elections commitment ran straight into the oil sell-off program.  Annex D of the plan indicated that would take at least 270 days — at least 9 months.

    Worse, Garner was brokering a truce between Sunnis, Shias and Kurds.  They were about to begin what Garner called a "Big Tent" meeting to hammer out the details and set the election date. He figured he had 90 days to get it done before the factions started slitting each other’s throats.

    But a quick election would mean the end of the state-asset sell-off plan:  An Iraqi-controlled government would never go along with what would certainly amount to foreign corporations swallowing their entire economy.  Especially the oil.  Garner had spent years in Iraq, in charge of the Northern Kurdish zone and knew Iraqis well.  He was certain that an asset-and-oil grab, "privatizations," would cause a sensitive population to take up the gun.  "That’s just one fight you don’t want to take on right now."

    But that’s just the fight the neo-cons at Defense wanted.  And in Rumsfeld’s replacement for Garner, they had a man itching for the fight.  Paul Bremer III had no experience on the ground in Iraq, but he had one unbeatable credential that Garner lacked:  Bremer had served as Managing Director of Kissinger and Associates.

    In April 2003, Bremer instituted democracy Bush style:  he canceled elections and appointed the entire government himself.  Two months later, Bremer ordered a halt to all municipal elections including the crucial vote to Shia seeking to select a mayor in the city of Najaf.  The front-runner, moderate Shia Asad Sultan Abu Gilal warned, "If they don’t give us freedom, what will we do?  We have patience, but not for long."    Local Shias formed the "Mahdi Army," and within a year, provoked by Bremer’s shutting their paper, attacked and killed 21 U.S. soldiers.

    The insurgency had begun.  But Bremer’s job was hardly over.  There were Sunnis to go after.  He issued "Order Number One:  De-Ba’athification."  In effect, this became "De-Sunni-fication."

    Saddam’s generals, mostly Sunnis, who had, we learned, secretly collaborated with the US invasion and now expected their reward found themselves hunted and arrested.  Falah Aljibury, an Iraqi-born US resident who helped with the pre-invasion brokering, told me, "U.S. forces imprisoned all those we named as political leaders," who stopped Iraq’s army from firing on U.S. troops.

    Aljibury’s main concern was that busting Iraqi collaborators and Ba’athist big shots was a gift "to the Wahabis," by which he meant the foreign insurgents, who now gained experienced military commanders, Sunnis, who now had no choice but to fight the US-installed regime or face arrest, ruin or death.  They would soon link up with the Sunni-defending Wahabi, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who was committed to destroying "Shia snakes."

    And the oil fields?  It was, Aljibury noted, when word got out about the plans to sell off the oil fields (thanks to loose lips of the US-appointed oil minister) that pipelines began to blow.  Although he had been at the center of planning for invasion, Aljibury now saw the greed-crazed grab for the oil fields as the fuel for a civil war that would rip his country to pieces:

    "Insurgents," he said, "and those who wanted to destabilize a new Iraq have used this as means of saying, ‘Look, you’re losing your country. You’re losing your leadership. You’re losing all of your resources to a bunch of wealthy people. A bunch of billionaires in the world want to take you over and make your life miserable.’ And we saw an increase in the bombing of oil facilities, pipelines, of course, built on — built on the premise that privatization [of oil] is coming."

    General Garner, watching the insurgency unfold from the occupation authority’s provocations, told me, in his understated manner, "I’m a believer that you don’t want to end the day with more enemies than you started with."

    But you can’t have a war president without a war.  And you can’t have a war without enemies. "Bring ’em on," our Commander-in-Chief said.  And Zarqawi answered the call.