Author: admin

  • We have missed the chance of preventing two degrees of global warming – Forever.

    We have missed the chance of preventing two degrees of global warming – Forever.

    It is, perhaps, the greatest failure of collective leadership since the first world war. The Earth’s living systems are collapsing, and the leaders of some of the most powerful nations – the US, the UK, Germany, Russia – could not even be bothered to turn up and discuss it. Those who did attend the Earth summit last week solemnly agreed to keep stoking the destructive fires: sixteen times in their text they pledged to pursue “sustained growth”, the primary cause of the biosphere’s losses(1).

    This is by George Monbiot of The Guardian.

    The efforts of governments are concentrated not on defending the living Earth from destruction, but on defending the machine that is destroying it. Whenever consumer capitalism becomes snarled up by its own contradictions, governments scramble to mend the machine, to ensure – though it consumes the conditions that sustain our lives – that it runs faster than ever before.

    The thought that it might be the wrong machine, pursuing the wrong task, cannot even be voiced in mainstream politics. The machine greatly enriches the economic elite, while insulating the political elite from the mass movements it might otherwise confront. We have our bread; now we are wandering, in spellbound reverie, among the circuses.

    We have used our unprecedented freedoms, secured at such cost by our forebears, not to agitate for justice, for redistribution, for the defence of our common interests, but to pursue the dopamine hits triggered by the purchase of products we do not need. The world’s most inventive minds are deployed not to improve the lot of humankind but to devise ever more effective means of stimulation, to counteract the diminishing satisfactions of consumption. The mutual dependencies of consumer capitalism ensure that we all unwittingly conspire in the trashing of what may be the only living planet. The failure at Rio de Janeiro belongs to us all.

    It marks, more or less, the end of the multilateral effort to protect the biosphere. The only successful global instrument – the Montreal Protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer – was agreed and implemented years before the first Earth Summit in 1992(2). It was one of the last fruits of a different political era, in which intervention in the market for the sake of the greater good was not considered anathema, even by the Thatcher and Reagan governments. Everything of value discussed since then has led to weak, unenforceable agreements, or to no agreements at all.

    This is not to suggest that the global system and its increasingly pointless annual meetings will disappear or even change. The governments which allowed the Earth Summit and all such meetings to fail evince no sense of responsibility for this outcome, and appear untroubled by the thought that if a system hasn’t worked for 20 years there’s something wrong with the system. They walk away, aware that there are no political penalties; that the media is as absorbed in consumerist trivia as the rest of us; that, when future generations have to struggle with the mess they have left behind, their contribution will have been forgotton. (And then they lecture the rest of us on responsibility).

    Nor is it to suggest that multilateralism should be abandoned. Agreements on biodiversity, the oceans and the trade in endangered species may achieve some marginal mitigation of the full-spectrum assault on the biosphere that the consumption machine has unleashed. But that’s about it.

    The action – if action there is – will mostly be elsewhere. Those governments which retain an interest in planet Earth will have to work alone, or in agreement with likeminded nations. There will be no means of restraining free riders, no means of persuading voters that their actions will be matched by those of other countries.

    That we have missed the chance of preventing two degrees of global warming now seems obvious. That most of the other planetary boundaries will be crossed, equally so. So what do we do now?

    Some people will respond by giving up, or at least withdrawing from political action. Why, they will ask, should we bother, if the inevitable destination is the loss of so much of what we hold dear: the forests, the brooks, the wetlands, the coral reefs, the sea ice, the glaciers, the birdsong and the night chorus, the soft and steady climate which has treated us kindly for so long? It seems to me that there are at least three reasons.

    The first is to draw out the losses over as long a period as possible, in order to allow our children and grandchildren to experience something of the wonder and delight in the natural world and of the peaceful, unharried lives with which we have been blessed. Is that not a worthy aim, even if there were no other?

    The second is to preserve what we can in the hope that conditions might change. I do not believe that the planet-eating machine, maintained by an army of mechanics, oiled by constant injections of public money, will collapse before the living systems on which it feeds. But I might be wrong. Would it not be a terrible waste to allow the tiger, the rhinoceros, the bluefin tuna, the queen’s executioner beetle and the scabious cuckoo bee, the hotlips fungus and the fountain anenome(3) to disappear without a fight if this period of intense exploitation turns out to be a brief one?

    The third is that, while we may possess no influence over decisions made elsewhere, there is plenty that can be done within our own borders. Rewilding – the mass restoration of ecosystems – offers the best hope we have of creating refuges for the natural world, which is why I’ve decided to spend much of the next few years promoting it here and abroad.

    Giving up on global agreements or, more accurately, on the prospect that they will substantially alter our relationship with the natural world, is almost a relief. It means walking away from decades of anger and frustration. It means turning away from a place in which we have no agency to one in which we have, at least, a chance of being heard. But it also invokes a great sadness, as it means giving up on so much else.

    Was it too much to have asked of the world’s governments, which performed such miracles in developing stealth bombers and drone warfare, global markets and trillion dollar bail-outs, that they might spend a tenth of the energy and resources they devoted to these projects on defending our living planet? It seems, sadly, that it was.

    www.monbiot.com

    References:

    1. http://www.slideshare.net/uncsd2012/the-future-we-want-rio20-outcome-document

    2. http://ozone.unep.org/pdfs/Montreal-Protocol2000.pdf

    3. http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/series/name-a-species

  • Geoflow: Space station experiments shed light on conditions deep inside Earth

    Geoflow: Space station experiments shed light on conditions deep inside Earth

    Posted: 25 Jun 2012 04:25 PM PDT

    ESA astronaut André Kuipers is running experiments on the International Space Station that are shedding light on conditions deep inside Earth. Orbiting some 400 km above us, Geoflow is offering insights into the inner workings of our planet.

  • Greenland ice may exaggerate magnitude of 13,000-year-old deep freeze

    ScienceDaily: Oceanography News


    Greenland ice may exaggerate magnitude of 13,000-year-old deep freeze

    Posted: 25 Jun 2012 01:29 PM PDT

    Ice samples pulled from nearly a mile below the surface of Greenland glaciers have long served as a historical thermometer, adding temperature data to studies of the local conditions up to the Northern Hemisphere’s climate. But the method — comparing the ratio of oxygen isotopes buried as snow fell over millennia — may not be such a straightforward indicator of air temperature.

  • limate Code Red Why we are going nuts

    climate code red


    Why we are going nuts

    Posted: 26 Jun 2012 12:24 AM PDT

    As noted in the End game for the climate policy paradigm post, I am re-posting two articles by the US environmentalist Ken Ward, because they are so relevant to our circumstances today. Next week, I will start a 3-part series, tentatively entitled “A sober assessment of our situation” — David

    Why we are going nuts
    Lessons from cognitive dissonance theory for US environmentalists

    by Ken Ward, first published on Grist, March 4, 2009

    “If we do not raise our sights and ambitions, then we are guaranteed to fail. Itʼs a tough but simple choice and if we continue down our present road, we will leap from foggy thinking into pure madness, there being no other means of keeping reality at bay.”

    If we accept the worst, or precautionary assessment, then US environmentalists have perhaps a year to avert cataclysm and nothing we are doing now will work. We are dealing with this terrible situation in a very ordinary and human way, by denying it.
    Our denial comes in a variety of forms: we believe that President Obama can and will solve the problem; we ignore Jim Hansenʼs assessment and timeline; we concentrate on our jobs and organization agendas and pass over the big picture; we focus on the molehill of climate policy rather than tackle the mountain of climate politics; we assess our efforts by looking back on how far we have come and do not measure the distance still to be traveled; we scrupulously avoid criticizing each other, lacking conviction in our own courses of action and not wishing to invite criticism in turn; and we are irrationally committed to antique approaches that are self-evidently inadequate.

    In our hearts we know that what we are doing is futile, but we do not know what else we should or could be doing. The constraints within which we work feel so intractable and out of human scale that we cannot imagine how to break them. Despite our best efforts, Americans just donʼt seem to get it or they donʼt care, and we are at a loss to explain this. Unable to influence our own nation, we are further dismayed by the far vaster challenge of altering the trajectory of China, India, Brazil and the rest of the world.
    Nothing we now confront should be a surprise. We have known for more than thirty years that the world was bound to reach this state (with twenty years specific warning on climate). The purpose of environmentalism was to alter the self-destructive parabola of growth by introducing new values and sensibilities, which, as has been clear for some time, we have manifestly failed to do.
    We are the ones who warned the world what was to come and we are the custodians of the only true solution, yet our current best ideas amount to no more than fiddling with the dials of corporate capitalism (cap and trade) and gussying up environmental policy as one item on the domestic progressive agenda (green jobs).
    We do not seem capable of taking even the most elementary steps to extricate ourselves from the trap in which we find ourselves. Why, for example, have we never convened a general conference of environmental leadership to consider what to do, or formed an association bigger than the sum of our parts? Why do we not spend some of the billions in our control to experiment with new approaches and campaigning (or support those already doing so)? Why is there no internal debate or discussion other than a quarrelsome wrangling over the minutia of policy?

    “We do not seem capable of taking even the most elementary steps to extricate ourselves from the trap in which we find ourselves. Why, for example, have we never convened a general conference of environmental leadership to consider what to do, or formed an association bigger than the sum of our parts? Why do we not spend some of the billions in our control to experiment with new approaches and campaigning (or support those already doing so)? Why is there no internal debate or discussion other than a quarrelsome wrangling over the minutia of policy?”

    This is how humankind generally acts in the face of incrementally advancing disaster, it
    is true. Weʼre smart as individuals and successful as a species, but the very attributes
    which make us sociable and industrious tend to turn our societies and institutions rigid
    and dumb.
    While this broad truth might suffice to explain why society at large has yet to come to terms with impending cataclysm, it does not explain why environmentalists are acting as we are. It is one thing for those engaged in running a business, or farming, or studying, or living on the margin to resist the awful prospects of abrupt climate change (1), but it is quite another for the only group of individuals whose job is to solve the problem to continue with business as-usual in the face of overwhelming evidence that this road leads nowhere (2). Besides, environmentalism was intended as a system of thought to overcome myopia and greed and keep our eye fixed firmly on the big picture.
    So how and why do we keep showing up to work every day with barely a ripple of disaffection? How can we have arrived a year or so away from a last chance to stave of cataclysm with no clue what to do and not be going nuts?
    The best answer, relying on Leon Festingerʼs theory of cognitive dissonance, is that we are going nuts and our increasing determination to act as if nothing were out of whack is a very ordinary, very human response to the crisis arising from conflict between our beliefs and hard reality.

    What is the nature of our crisis? We believe that everything is going to work out, that the ice shelves in Greenland and Antarctica will not slip off into the ocean and our shorelines will not be inundated even though all the evidence demonstrate that this is already underway.
    The contradiction between our belief in deliverance and the reality of a rapid descent toward chaos creates within us the turbulent and distressing state Festinger called “cognitive dissonance.” Caught in a bind, we act unconsciously to ease our psychological burden in two ways:

    1. by reducing the sources of conflict, and,
    2. by avoiding, rejecting or denigrating new information that would increase dissonance. As Festinger observed, these tendencies in individuals may reach mass acceptance, bolstering a catechism of erroneous beliefs. If everyone else thinks the same way, it is much easier to screen out contradictory information.

    In order to maintain our personal belief that catastrophic climate change will be avoided, we downplay or disregard information emphasizing how dire the situation and display an unrealistic optimism over progress toward a solution. For example:

    • Most US environmentalists have yet to endorse Jim Hansenʼs call for a 300-350 ppm bright line, continuing our record of trailing well behind climate science in our assessment of the problem. This is a most graphic illustration of our capacity to downplay the problem, particularly when compared with our record in areas other than climate, where environmentalists almost always stake out a precautionary position based on scientific data that is considerably more conservative than scientistʼs own recommendations.
    • We eagerly and endlessly share scraps of information that shore up our sense that momentum is building behind fossil fuel alternatives, but we scrupulously avoid putting that data into context. We want to believe that energy efficiency, solar and wind power, and so on are viable so we focus on phenomenal growth rates in those sectors, and in our mindʼs eye a sustainable future appears possible. But this happy fiction can only be maintained by screening out evidence of the far more massive ramp-up in fossil fuel extractions.
    • The emotional response to Obamaʼs win is one visible expression of our wish to believe that things will be put right, but the persistence of “cap & trade” as the US environmental climate solution is the more important and pernicious example of unrealistic optimism (3). For all itʼs market rhetoric, “cap & trade” is predicated on enforcement of emissions limits (the “cap”). If there is any one thing that environmentalists know with certainty, based on our extensive experience implementing the early milestones of US environmental policy, it is that polluters escape emissions limits with ease. It took decades of vigorous enforcement campaigning and litigation to bring most states into moderate compliance with the federal Clean Air and and Clean Water Acts and even then key sectors and sources managed to loosen restrictions or get around them (as direct dischargers got around permit limits by tying into sewage treatment plants). To imagine that such a system can be imposed without massive governmental enforcement, and that it will work right out of the box with factories in Shanghai, Bombay or Sao Paulo is a triumph of wishful thinking over hard-won experience.

    The fact that political access, foundation funding, corporate and party affiliations, large membership bases and many other factors also drive organizations to downplay climate risk and engage in boosterism of solutions crafted to protect particular interests, is consistent with cognitive dissonance theory, not a contradictory explanation. We seek affiliations that encourage our tendencies to downplay the problem and overestimate the effectiveness of solutions because these relationships shore up our beliefs and reduce dissonance.
    We feel better hanging out with upbeat corporate executives, because their story reduces our dissonance, even though itʼs a lie, than we do paling around with climate scientists, whoʼs dismal narrative increases our dissonance because they tell the truth – but this may be changing.

    Collapse of cognitive barriers. Our unconscious strategy for suppressing dissonance shows signs of crumbling, though it is by no means clear whether we will come to our senses fast enough to reshape our institution and reorient our approaches in time. Cognitive dissonance theory argues that escalating challenges to irrational world views tend to harden rather than weaken belief. Still, unusual pressure is beginning to build from unlooked-for directions:

    Our children. The reality that our children and grandchildren will face catastrophic climate change, collapse of planetary ecosystems and disintegration of global society (if not civilization itself) (4) is transforming from major emotional block to a driver of opening awareness. Iʼm not able to explain why this is occurring now – it may be no more complicated then the fact that there are more babies being born and kids are getting older and asking questions – but whatever the cause, there is a discernible breaking down of private barriers to awareness and a limited conversation on such matters as how best to prepare oneʼs children for the life they must now expect, is breaking into the open. Perhaps some evolutionary response to parenting in time of grave danger has begun to kick-in (which may also explain why so many still choose to become parents).

    Next generation leadership. Control of our organizations is shifting to a new generation who are not the architects of our present approaches.

    Sidelined. Environmentalists are being left in the dust in every area. Although we retain a commanding position in the broad public debate, we are increasingly irrelevant in the specifics. Climate scientists define the problem. Politicians, from Obama to Schartzenegger, define the agenda. Public education is the province of journalists, educators, specialized media and web centers. Mass communications is in the hands of consultants to Al Gore. Green building, the one sector where environmentalists did hold a significant share, is being swamped by giants in the construction and building materials businesses. Even critical areas of intellectual inquiry, such as the examination of the roots of climate denial, are underway in conversations between academics and pollsters without our participation, let alone leadership.

    Growth areas. The most important climate action and environmental campaigning, like West Virginiaʼs Coal Spring Mountain campaign and the effort of Bill McKibben and 350.org, originate outside our mainstream organizations.

    Personal crisis. The strain of living in existential hell is beginning to wear people down, even if it is mostly unacknowledged. Itʼs simply getting harder to deny reality. Is US environmentalism important? Why bother with trying to shift the current agenda if our organizations are increasingly irrelevant and superseded?

    For one, climate will be decided by players now on the field and our major organizations and foundations must therefore be changed or they will stand in the way. The argument that climate can be addressed without the need to reshape US environmentalism is based in the perception that US environmentalism cannot be changed, but if we cannot adapt our own organizations and institution to meet the challenge for which they were founded, why on earth would we think it possible to shift the course of the nation?
    Second, without environmentalists it is unlikely that there will be an environmental solution. Although environmentalism is now better expressed and advocated outside of US environmentalism, from Jim Hansenʼs scientific papers to the planning committees of architectʼs trade associations, a comprehensive green vision is still unlikely to be conceived in any forum other than environmentalism.
    Third, we are the only sector with the money, skill bank and international reach to undertake the scale of effort necessary to shift the course of the nation. I have written elsewhere (5) on the lessons to be drawn from US history that argue such a transformation is possible, about conditions which might create a more fluid environment, and on the critical and singular role of the US in driving global change.
    The odds of success are vanishingly small, but not so small as to be dismissed.
    The less utopian argument for aiming high, is that doing so will reenergize US environmentalism, bolster the wider forces behind green solutions, more effectively put our enemies on the defensive and gain better results in present political conditions. If we up accept reality and up the ante, in other words, we win more than we can now, elbow room for more fluid political conditions, and take a shot at winning the whole shebang. If we do not raise our sights and ambitions, then we are guaranteed to fail. Itʼs a tough but simple choice and if we continue down our present road, we will leap from foggy thinking into pure madness, there being no other means of keeping reality at bay.

    Notes


    1.  Until very recently, only climate scientists and biologists were in a similar bind, and theirs was a lesser burden because scientists are discouraged from political action. It has taken a collective effort of some magnitude for academics to reach an early consensus and breach ordinary rules restraining civic advocacy, when it became evident that environmentalists were failing to broadcast scientific findings.


    2.  Our ineffectualness signals the failure of environmentalism as a system of thought and belief, because our vision was supposed to allow us to escape the blinders that inhibit others from seeing reality. Environmentalists were to operate from the big picture, be acutely tuned to human impacts on other species and ecosystems, and be grounded on the knowledge that humankind can survive only by wholesale revision of our values. This is not, however, invalidate environmental analysis or prescriptions, without which humankind can neither perceive nor solve the problem.

    3. I can speak from considerable experience on this point, having served for twelve years as Executive Director of New Jersey Public Interest Research Group (NJPIRG), an organization which pursued intensive enforcement of clean water laws for over twenty years and developed many of the innovations now in general use. By the mid-1990ʼs, NJPIRGʼs clean water enforcement campaigning fielded 50 “streamwalkers” in 5 local offices, had filed nearly 200 citizen suits, winning every case and imposing multi-million penalties, passed the nationʼs toughest clean water and toxics use reduction laws, and maintained a constant watchdogging over state and federal enforcement – in a state where most major dischargers are highly visible and where public pressure to crack down on water pollution was, and is intense. Despite what probably the most intensive enforcement effort in any US state, major dischargers in New Jersey continued to violate their permits in large numbers.

    4. Festinger writes that “two elements are in dissonant relation if, considering these two alone, the obverse of one element would follow from the other.” (L. Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, 1962).

    5. Bright Lines: An Alternative Strategy for US Environmentalists, Grist Magazine, 2007.

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  • Watermatters] Water Matters issue 18 now available [SEC=UNCLASSIFIED]

    [Watermatters] Water Matters issue 18 now available [SEC=UNCLASSIFIED]

    Inbox
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    Water Matters Distribution List watermatters@ris.environment.gov.au
    4:48 PM (7 minutes ago)

    to watermatters

    Dear subscribers,

     

    Please find the link to issue 18 of Water Matters below.

     

    This issue of Water Matters features the release of four major teaching units on water that address significant gaps in the school curriculum. Aligned to the Australian Curriculum, the units focus on four key regions in Australia: the Murray-Darling Basin, Northern Australia and the Wet Tropics, the Lake Eyre Basin and the Great Artesian Basin.

     

    www.environment.gov.au/water/publications/watermatters/water-matters-jun-2012.html

     

    Water Matters provides subscribers with information about the Australian Government’s water reform initiative Water for the Future.

     

    If you wish to unsubscribe from Water Matters, please follow this link:

     

    www.environment.gov.au/water/publications/watermatters/index.html

     

  • An extraordinary meeting of Woolworths shareholders GET-UP

    An extraordinary meeting of Woolworths shareholders GET-UP

    Inbox
    x

    GetUp!
    4:02 PM (45 minutes ago)

    to me

    Dear NEVILLE,

    GetUp members are embarking on a completely new kind of campaign. This email is a little longer than usual, but please bear with us so we can explain what you need to know about this new strategy, and how you can help.

    Today, for the first time, hundreds of GetUp members have come together to use their shareholder power to call an Extraordinary General Meeting (EGM) of a top 20 ASX company: Woolworths Ltd. An EGM is a meeting of a company’s shareholders; just like an Annual General Meeting, but held at an irregular time.

    Extraordinary change calls for extraordinary measures. Australia has more high-loss poker machines per capita than any other country in the world. Woolworths owns and operates more poker machines than any other entity in Australia. Presently, the company’s machines can easily take $1500 in an hour from addicted problem gamblers. That jobs, homes, families, and, in some tragic cases, lives are ruined by problem gambling at Woolworths machines is unacceptable.

    Fortunately, GetUp is made up of extraordinary Australians who are willing to stand up and hold corporate power to account. Yesterday afternoon we demonstrated our collective power by delivering 210 ‘Request for Meeting’ documents to Woolworths Ltd. headquarters, on behalf of GetUp members who have chosen to exercise their shareholder power and take bold action to drive the change on poker machine reform that we’ve all been asking for. 

    We’re asking Woolworths shareholders to change the company’s constitution: simply to make their poker machines less dangerous by limiting bets to $1 per button push and limiting losses to $120 per hour (on average), as recommended by the Productivity Commission. 

    So, what can you do? We must demonstrate that it’s not just shareholders that are counting on Woolworths to do the right thing, but also customers across the country. Please add your name to this petition, to be delivered by shareholders at our Woolworths EGM:

    http://www.getup.org.au/the-pokies-people

    News of our campaign already broke this morning in The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, and prominent Australian shareholder activist and founder of Crikey.com, Stephen Mayne, is endorsing the campaign.

    Moments like this are what our movement was made for: finding innovative ways to hold power to account and progress issues we all care about when the government has failed us. Best of all, this campaign tactic demonstrates how our community works together from all angles – the hundreds of savvy shareholder activists exercising their corporate power, the thousands who donated to run ads that were banned by all the major networks and then run in cinemas around the country, and the courageous members who’ve volunteered to speak out and tell their very personal stories, on camera, about how their lives have been devastated by problem gambling at the high loss machines – many of them owned by Woolworths. You will meet three of these members, Helena, Gillian and Clelia, in our new national ad campaign that will be be rolled out in the coming weeks.

    We know this is new territory for GetUp and a lot to take in, so here’s some more detail on what you need to know about supporting the EGM:

    Why Woolworths?

    We’re doing this to change the way a major Australian company does business, to make sure it no longer profits from the pain of problem gamblers. Woolworths owns and operates the most poker machines in Australia – more than the top five Vegas casinos combined[1]. Australian poker machines are an incredibly dangerous product for a large number of families in this country – leading to the loss of jobs, relationships, families, houses and even lives. But the Productivity Commission and independent experts such as Dr Charles Livingstone have said they can be made a lot safer by reducing maximum bets to $1 and capping hourly losses at around $120[2]. That’s why GetUp members have come together to ask Woolies to make their poker machines safer for communties. 

    How can holding an EGM create the change we need on poker machine reform?

    The hundreds of GetUp member shareholders of Woolworths who signed the request for an Extraordinary General Meeting have the right to propose amendments to the company’s constitution. This right is enshrined in section 136(2) of the Corporations Act. One way we can amend the constitution is to request the company to hold an EGM and to move the constitutional amendment at that EGM. This power is enshrined in section 249D of the Corporations Act. The amendment we are proposing, if passed, would mean that Woolworths could not – according to its own constitution – operate machines that could take more than $1 per spin or more than $120 per hour and includes mandatory shutdown periods of six hours in Woolworths owned pubs and hotels.

    If our amendment is passed, it will be very difficult – probably impossible – for Woolies to keep operating its high-loss poker machines. This is an outcome the Productivity Commission, Andrew Wilkie MP, Senator Nick Xenophon, the Greens and GetUp members have been calling for since this campaign began over a year ago. 

    We didn’t begin this campaign many months ago with the goal of holding an EGM, but all previous tactics have resulted in Woolies continuing to ignore its involvement in perpetuating problem gambling. That’s why we’re using an innovative corporate tactic–involving Australians from all walks of life and from all corners of the country, from Dunsborough, Western Australia to Cairns, far north Queensland–that Woolworths won’t be able to ignore. 

    And while the facts are on our side, this is a new arena for GetUp with a strong likelihood of an aggressive response by Woolworths. If we win, it could make all the difference for Australians who struggle with problem gambling, and that’s something worth fighting for. Regardless of the result of the vote, we think it’s important that all operators of dangerous pokie machines are held to account, and pushed to consider responsible reform.

    Join us in asking for real reform, beginning in the board room of the largest owner of high loss poker machines in Australia:

    http://www.getup.org.au/the-pokies-people

    Thanks for standing up, 
    the GetUp Team. 

    —-
    [1] ‘Woolworths hits the jackpot with pokies after signing deal with Laundy hotel group’, The Daily Telegraph. November 11, 2011
    [2] ‘Gambling Report Volume I (Report NO 50)’, Australian Productivity Commission, 26 February, 2010.


    GetUp is an independent, not-for-profit community campaigning group. We use new technology to empower Australians to have their say on important national issues. We receive no political party or government funding, and every campaign we run is entirely supported by voluntary donations. If you’d like to contribute to help fund GetUp’s work, please donate now! If you have trouble with any links in this email, please go directly to www.getup.org.au. To unsubscribe from GetUp, please click here. Authorised by Simon Sheikh, Level 2, 104 Commonwealth Street, Surry Hills NSW 2010