Category: General news

Managing director of Ebono Institute and major sponsor of The Generator, Geoff Ebbs, is running against Kevin Rudd in the seat of Griffith at the next Federal election. By the expression on their faces in this candid shot it looks like a pretty dull campaign. Read on

  • Carbon calculator reveals Labour and Tory policy as science fiction

     

    As the figures pulled together by the calculator team show, the real total (using 2007 figures) should be 950Mt. The government artificially excludes the greenhouse gas emissions caused by the goods we import and the international travel we commission. It’s not hard to see why ministers choose to overlook these figures. If just the outsourced emissions (gases released in producing goods we import) are counted, all the cuts the UK claims to have made since 1990 would be cancelled out – and then some.

    According to the government’s provisional figures for 2009, the UK has cut its greenhouse gas emissions by 198MtCO2e since 1990. But the Carnegie Institution for Science estimates that we have outsourced 253Mt. The sad and shocking truth is that the apparent success of the UK’s carbon-cutting programme, on which the government bases its boast that we’re a world leader in reducing pollution, results from the collapse of our manufacturing base and its re-establishment overseas.

    So throw in 253Mt for outsourced emissions, 7Mt for the international shipping we use, 67Mt for international aviation plus the 2Mt the government has failed to include for extra greenhouse warming (not CO2) caused by domestic flights, and you discover that the UK has left 329Mt of carbon off its national accounts, or very nearly 50% of the 2007 total (636Mt). The figure would have been even higher had the team included the net 40Mt of emissions which Professor Dieter Helm of the University of Oxford calculates [PDF, see figure 7, page 18] is caused by UK citizens holidaying abroad (net means that the emissions from foreign tourists holidaying here have been subtracted).

    Even if the calculator achieves nothing else, highlighting this massive discrepancy should shake up the debate and change our view of what the UK has achieved.

    Just as striking are the figures for manufacturing and consumption. When I started playing with the calculator, at first I skipped over the top category. This is because, like many environmentalists, most of my work has been focused on efforts to tackle our direct consumption of energy: the heat and electricity we use at home and in offices, and the fuel we use for transport. I immediately ran into trouble. However many wind turbines and nuclear power plants I commissioned, however many drivers I shoved on to the railways and businessmen I dragged kicking and screaming out of aeroplanes, I couldn’t get the totals down by anything like the required amount. Only then did I notice how great a proportion of our emissions come from manufacturing and consumption.

    Consulting my book Heat, first published in 2006, I now realise that I used to be half-aware of the scale of this issue, but somehow, in the midst of all the excited debates about how our electricity should be generated, our homes improved and our transport networks run, I had managed to forget it. So it was a shock to discover that manufacturing and consumption (if you include the construction industry) accounts for 541Mt of our emissions, or 57% of the true total. This is a good bit higher than I thought in 2006, because the sector’s impact is massively boosted by the outsourced emissions the official figures don’t count. The great majority of the UK’s offshore total results from our consumption of foreign goods. The exclusion of these figures from official accounts is one of the reasons why we have neglected this sector.

    Of the 541Mt caused by manufacturing and consumption, 223Mt is embodied in the imported goods (minus food) we consume; 141Mt arises from the energy used by UK industries; 87Mt from all food production and consumption (onshore and offshore); 19Mt from industrial process emissions (the CO2 released by chemical processes like cement manufacture); 23Mt from the waste we create and 48Mt from the freight vehicles (some of them excluded from official figures) required to move our stuff around.

    Like most people in the environment movement, I spend my time talking vaguely about the need to reduce the consumption of goods, but specifically – with figures attached – about the need to reduce the direct consumption of energy. But however well we insulate our homes, change our travel habits, alter the electricity supply and switch to more efficient appliances, however much the public sector cleans up its act and the efficiency of commercial buildings is improved, we’ll still be only scratching the surface of the problem. The real issue is not our direct consumption of energy but the greenhouse gases embodied in the goods we buy. It strikes me that in focusing on direct consumption I’ve helped to give both the government and business an unduly easy ride.

    So here we bump into the second probable reason why Labour and the Conservatives have chosen not to try out the calculator (Simon Hughes of the Lib Dems did run the calculator and shared the result). It highlights the glaring contradiction in the manifestos of all three main parties: they all seek to boost economic growth by raising consumption, but consumption has already pushed greenhouse gas levels way beyond the point that they consider sustainable. You can pursue a policy of economic growth and reduced carbon emissions only by engineering a fudge of the kind the calculator exposes: offshoring one third of our emissions, most of which arise from the goods we consume. The impacts of rising consumption are hidden by excluding them from national accounts.

    Only the Green party has approached this issue honestly, by accepting upfront that economic growth is the problem and that current levels of consumption cannot be sustained. It’s time we called out the other parties on their failure to acknowledge, let alone tackle, this contradiction. And it’s time we all recognised that consumption is the big issue.

    monbiot.com

  • Climateologist Ellen Mosely-Thompson on warming in Antarctica

     

    The most famous of those ice shelves is the Larsen B, a slab of ice — once the size of Connecticut — that disintegrated spectacularly in 2002 in the Weddell Sea. Mosley-Thompson’s expedition was part of a larger study to research the collapse of the Larsen A & B ice shelves and to place this major event in the context of previous eras of climate change.

    Working for 42 days in frigid temperatures at 6,500 feet, Mosley-Thompson and her team encountered numerous hardships and difficulties, including the loss of ice drills. Thanks to the ingenuity and engineering skills of her team members, the group finally succeeded in drilling 1,462 feet to the bedrock atop the Bruce Plateau. When the ice cores return to Ohio State in June, Mosley-Thompson and her colleagues hope to analyze the ice to track the history of climate change for thousands of years, perhaps to the last glacial period and beyond.

    But even before she analyzes her latest drilling samples, Mosley-Thompson tells Yale Environment 360 senior editor Fen Montaigne, one thing is clear: the retreat of the world’s glaciers, coupled with evidence from other Antarctic ice cores showing atmospheric concentrations of CO2 at their highest levels in more than 800,000 years, “tells us very clearly that we have a serious problem.”

    Yale Environment 360: I wondered if you could describe for our readers the purpose of this ice coring expedition.

    Helen Mosley-Thompson: We were part of a much larger International Polar Year project sponsored by the National Science Foundation. The name of the big project is LARISSA. This was a very large, multidisciplinary international effort to get a better understanding of the interaction of the various systems operating in the Larsen B embayment — for example, the oceanographic system, the ice system, the ecological system, the atmosphere.

    e360: And [the Bruce Plateau] is basically a big ice cap or glacier in the midst of these beautiful mountains that run the length of the Antarctic Peninsula?

    Mosley-Thompson: Yes, that’s correct. Actually, the Bruce Plateau itself is relatively narrow at the spot where we were drilling. So on our six clear days — we were there 42 days — we had excellent horizon. We could see mountains and we could look out into the distance where we knew the remaining part of the Larsen B Ice Shelf and the Larsen C Ice Shelf were out to the east.

    e360: Was [this project] basically an attempt to understand the warming behind the break up of the Larsen B [Ice Shelf] and how it fits into a climate history record?

    Mosley-Thompson: Yes. Of course the break up of the ice essentially makes an area available that has not been available for five to ten thousand years. So the idea is that the ecologists could actually look at an ecosystem on the ocean bottom in an area that, eight or nine years ago, was covered by ice – and [had been] for thousands of years — [compared] to one that is now open water. And of course the ecosystems in that area will be adjusting to the new normal. So the idea for the ecologists was that they would be

    The question is how much additional ice is being dumped through those major glaciers?”

    able to look at the potentially rapid changes in a disturbed ecosystem.

    For the glaciologists, one of the critical things that they wanted to examine closely was — and still is — since the 2002 break up, how much more rapidly are the land-based glaciers discharging ice out into the ocean. Some measurements back in 2004 based upon satellite imagery suggested some of those glaciers increased their flow speed by four to eight times. Because if the ice shelf is gone, then you’ve lost that buttressing effect. And so the question really is how much additional ice is being dumped through those major glaciers?

    e360: And, the glaciers whose motion to the sea is being accelerated because the ice shelf isn’t holding them back, that leads to direct sea level rises?

    Mosley-Thompson: That’s correct. Any ice that’s on land that you put in the water will raise sea level. And so then the marine group had people who were looking at changes in marine geochemistry. They have chemical measurements of the ocean, they have drilled cores in the ocean bottom along the outer margins of the Larsen B, when it was in place. And the idea is that they could now come into the area that was ice covered very recently and collect new cores. So then [we] integrate those records, [and] where appropriate, where the time scales overlap, compare with the records that we’ll be getting from the cores that we drilled.

    You know one of the things we don’t really know for that region is how extensive the ice cover on the peninsula was during the last glacial stage, when North America, from Canada and the northern part of the U.S., and the Finnish/Scandinavian area, was covered by these large ice sheets during the last glaciation. The perception is that you would have had more extensive ice cover in the Antarctic Peninsula, but there’s no evidence to either support or refute that. Those records [are] not in hand yet. And so one of the big questions for the ice core that we drilled was, does the basal or bottom ice contain ice that was deposited during the last glacial stage, or has all of the ice that exists on the spine of the peninsula been deposited since the beginning of Holocene.

    e360: Which is what, ten, twelve thousand years ago?

    Mosley-Thompson: Exactly. And so we don’t have those answers yet. The ice cores that we drilled won’t even arrive in Columbus, Ohio [until] June 18th. So they’re still in transit.

    e360: What are you hoping to find out about the climate records of the recent thousands of years?

    Mosley-Thompson: Well we want as many details as we possibly can. So we’ll be looking at the oxygen and hydrogen isotopic ratios that tell us something about the temperatures in the area. We’ll be measuring particulates. We’ll be looking at the sulfate — that, we already know, gives us an excellent record of the volcanic activity. We’re going to look at something called methane sulfonic acid, MSA. If you have more MSA, the thinking is that you probably then have more open water because the primary source for that would be from phytoplankton. So we’re going to be looking at this to see if it might be consistent with other evidence that would tell us whether the sea ice was more extensive, less extensive, or absent.

    e360: MSA, from the photosynthetic process that involves phytoplankton’s growth, would put compounds into the atmosphere that you could actually find in the [glacial] ice?

    Mosley-Thompson: Right. They convert to dimethyl sulfide, DMS. DMS is actually what is put in the atmosphere and then that converts to this MSA. That’s what we can measure in the ice. We also have a facility here that we’ve just implemented or installed in the last few months that can do what’s called trace element analysis. So if there are specific areas of the core that are of interest — I mean once we have constructed a robust time scale for the core, there will be periods in the past that are of specific interest to the climatological community. We can then go into those parts of the core and measure very, very tiny concentrations.

    e360: What do you think is the minimum age that you’ll be able to go back to?

    Mosley-Thompson: We picked up 100 percent of the ice [down to the bedrock], contained in 445 meters of core. So what that means is that as we

    Our intent is to analyze the [ice] core in the highest possible time resolution.”

    get lower and lower in the core, time is going to become very compressed. We do not know at what point we will lose our ability to pick up annual variation. Our intent is to analyze the core in the highest possible time resolution, so that we don’t lose any valuable information. But there will be a point beyond which we will not be able to look at the seasonally varying parameters and count those years.

    e360: And that’s because the weight of the snow and ice just compresses those years so tightly that you can’t distinguish them.

    Mosley-Thompson: That’s right… But we should know pretty quickly whether or not that bottom ice was deposited during a warm period, like the Holocene, or during a somewhat [colder] or much colder period, like the end of the last glacial stage. And we’ll know that from the oxygen and hydrogen isotopic ratios. There’s a very clear signature in the depletion of oxygen 18 [indicating cooling] in the glacial stage ice… We anticipate that this ice probably did build up in the latter part of the last glaciation. Knowing that answer will provide some really interesting constraints on what the climate must have been like at the end of the last glacial and in the early Holocene period.

    Another thing that our team here at Ohio State is intently studying is a fairly large abrupt climate event around 5,200 years ago that seems to be very widespread, and no driving mechanism has yet been identified for that. We do not know whether there’s any signature of it in Antarctica. But since this event was most strongly expressed in mid- to low- latitudes, if it is in Antarctica you would expect it’s going to be in the peninsula for sure, because of the [Antarctic Peninsula’s] tighter connection to the mid-latitudes of the southern hemisphere.

    e360: Is this the same signal that your husband, Lonnie Thompson, picked up in some Andean glaciers?

    Mosley-Thompson: Exactly. The Quelccaya ice cap in the southern Andes of Peru is rapidly retreating, and as it has retreated the plant deposits are exposed and they’re very fresh, which means that they’ve never been exposed before. They literally dry out in the course of a year and so these are fresh plant deposits, but they’re all 5,200 years old. Which means that that ice cap advanced over those plants and that ice cap has never been smaller for 5,200 years. But there is evidence for this abrupt shift all the way from logs that are now coming out of glaciers in Alaska as they retreat, [to] very rapid changes in bogs in Patagonia. All throughout the tropical regions there are different types of evidence suggesting a very rapid change. And the change wasn’t consistent. In some areas the change was to cold and dry and in other areas it was to cold and wet. So is it evident in the [Antarctic] Peninsula? That’s one of the key things we want to answer.

    e360: Out of your core atop the Bruce Plateau, do you expect that for quite a few hundred or more than a thousand years back you will have a good CO2 and temperature record?

    Mosley-Thompson: There is no reason to expect that we will not.

    e360: As some of our readers may know, there have been some extremely deep ice cores taken in Antarctica at Dome C that go back 800,000 or 900,000 years.

    Mosley-Thompson: Right.

    e360: I understand that the Dome C record shows very clearly that we’ve got more CO2 in our atmosphere now than at any time in 800,000 years.

    Mosley-Thompson: Oh yeah. Very clearly. If you look back over the eight glacial/interglacial cycles, you essentially see that CO2 never rises above 300 parts per million and we’re at about 389 now. Methane never

    It’s like these glaciers are just literally being decapitated. And it’s very frightening.”

    rises above about 800 parts per billion, and I think we’re at about 1,700 parts per billion. So we’re clearly outside the range of natural variability. I personally think that graph simply showing the natural fluctuations in those two important greenhouse gases, over almost a million years of Earth history — and then you see the two dots [today] that are so much higher than anything that we see in that near-million history — tells us very clearly that we have a serious problem.

    e360: I know you have done a lot of ice coring in Greenland and Antarctica and I know your husband has done groundbreaking work in low-latitude glaciated areas like the Andes and the Himalaya. What does this cumulative ice coring work show about what we’re experiencing in the last century or so in terms of the warming of the planet?

    Mosley-Thompson: Well, from the tropical work, the cores in the Andes and the Himalaya, the oxygen isotopic ratio in those cores, when you stack those cores together, show very clearly that the last 50 or 60 years have been the warmest in the last 2,000 years. There’s a lot of regional variability. So for example, we’ll often hear that the Medieval Warm Period, roughly 1,000 years ago, was as warm as today. And it’s interesting if we look at the three ice cores from the Andes, we do see a Medieval Warm Period signature and a very, very distinct Little Ice Age cool signature. That’s not surprising because both the Medieval Warm Period and the Little Ice Age are expressed most strongly around the Atlantic Basin. And the moisture that builds the glaciers in the Andes of Peru actually comes from the southern part of the North Atlantic and the equatorial Atlantic, and not from the Pacific, as people might think. So these Andean cores showed a very distinct Atlantic signature.

    But the four cores from the Tibetan Himalaya show virtually no signature of medieval warming or Little Ice Age cooling. They’re sampling a totally different region, and so when we put these records together, the medieval warming is very modest and the Little Ice Age signature is strongly muted as well. And what really stands out when you put these all together and into the composite, is the last 60 years. The oxygen isotopic enrichment in the tops of the cores [indicating warming] is very striking.

    The other thing that we are now seeing, particularly with the tropical ice fields — and it’s not something that we really were looking for when we started going to the high mountains — is that these glaciers are retreating very rapidly. And, in fact, several of the ice fields, particularly one that we recently published the results [for] in the southwestern Himalaya, it has not gained mass or has no ice that was deposited after 1950. It’s like these glaciers are just literally being decapitated. And it’s very frightening.

    e360: When you see global warming skeptics seize on a bit of sloppy work in the IPCC report that predicted the end of Himalayan glaciers in 2035, the skeptics then say, “Well, see, the glaciers aren’t melting.” It must be extremely frustrating to you that this kind of misinformation gets out to the public when in fact you and your husband see that the world’s glaciers are disappearing at a very rapid rate.

    Mosley-Thompson: Of course it is frustrating, but you know any time that a system, a human system, shows change and people may have to make changes and there are clearly economic consequences, you get into these debates. The unfortunate thing is that scientists generally operate by one set of rules, and the way that we debate and the words that we use and the standards to which we try to hold ourselves are quite different for political debate. In political debate you can use quite different language, things don’t have to be precise, you can virtually lie if you want to and then apologize later. But a scientist, if you speak untruthfully, then what’s on the line for you as a scientist is your credibility and your reputation. But frankly, I’d like to turn that around and say that when you look at the breadth of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports, and how much information is in there, the fact that this must be the most egregious error, otherwise they would be making more of something else — I think it’s astounding that the IPCC got as much right as they did because there was just tremendous potential for error.

    e360: You and your husband work in the world’s ice zones, and so you’re getting a first-hand and almost shocking look at the rate of melt. Do you sometimes wish that if the general public could somehow accompany you on your work they would have a much greater sense of urgency about doing something about global warming?

    Mosley-Thompson: Well, you know, a picture is worth a thousand words. Generally when we go and give talks and we show that the loss of ice is occurring in virtually every environment that has ice, people walk out and say, “Wow, I just didn’t realize the scope of this.”

    e360: And if we don’t begin to rein in CO2 emissions, where do you think the cryosphere, the Earth’s ice zone, is heading?

    Mosley-Thompson: To the oceans. Ultimately that’s where all water goes, to the lowest level.

  • Memo to Sir Kevin: a brave decision, Prime Minister

     

    The government could not have reasonably been asked to rule anything in or out until it had had an opportunity to absorb the report and the debate that followed. But frightened of anything like a public debate on the merits of tax reform, the government sat on the report for five months, made it public a week before the budget and – by adopting only a handful of recommendations and rejecting or ignoring the rest – it in effect rendered the review irrelevant.

    All the attention and debate is focused on what the government proposes to do, the central element of which is a huge new tax on the mining industry. Even this is carefully calibrated to avoid too much offence, as 80 per cent of it will be paid by two companies, BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto, which Rudd has pointed out are substantially owned by foreigners.

    So Henry had every reason to look glum as his political masters made public their response , which picked up two or three of his 138 recommendations, and layered on top unrelated initiatives he did not recommend and in several cases probably opposes.

    Even the name of the tax is Orwellian. Rudd has called it a “super profits tax”. One would reasonably assume they were profits way above a reasonable rate of return. But Rudd’s definition seems to be any revenue above investment plus the 10-year government bond rate – now 5.7 per cent.

    Given the enormous risk inherent in any resource project, nobody would regard 5.7 per cent as satisfactory. Describing as a ”super profit” any return higher than the risk-free rate paid by the Commonwealth on its bonds is an abuse of language.

    Thanks to Rudd’s timidity, a lot of good work in the review will struggle to get an airing. A tax-free threshold of $25,000 and a flat rate of 35 per cent on income up to $180,000, rising to 45 per cent thereafter, would dramatically simplify the personal income tax system. But nobody is talking about it.

    Another recommendation was to allow tax losses to be carried backwards and be offset against an earlier year’s profits, entitling a taxpayer to a refund. This was proposed by the Coalition a year ago and has many international precedents. But it too has fallen by the wayside.

    It is surely remarkable that the Rudd who wanted “a thousand flowers to bloom” at his 2020 summit now seeks to constrain and control debate on this vital area of reform to the narrowest possible political agenda.

    His abandoning the emissions trading scheme is also political cowardice. After all, he described climate change as the “greatest moral challenge of our times” and the scheme was the centrepiece of his response to it. Yet faced with Senate opposition, he is unwilling to take the scheme to a double dissolution. He points to the Coalition opposition to it, but Labor’s opposition to the GST did not deter John Howard and Peter Costello from campaigning for a tax reform that was much harder to sell than emissions trading.

    The scheme had relatively high levels of support in recent times and was supported by the Coalition at least in principle until late last year. Further, its objective is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, a goal that still commands majority support even if there is debate about the means.

    This streak of cowardice may gratify Sir Humphrey, but it will count against Rudd, even among those who despise the idea of an emissions trading scheme and have no interest in Henry’s thoughts on tax reform.

    Political leaders need to have guts. They are respected for standing up for what they believe in, even by those who do not agree with them. If a prime minister cannot stand up for his own answer to the greatest moral challenge of our times, what on earth would he stand up for?

    Is it any wonder the immediate result of his cowardice has been a collapse in his personal support and, for the first time in nearly four years, a Newspoll shows the Coalition in the lead.

    Malcolm Turnbull is the Liberal member for Wentworth.

  • Eco Movement At The Crossroads

     

    Certainly, social movements often need to ally with wider sections of society or lobby government, but, the leaders of a movement must keep in sight the fact that the power they had in the first place rested on public support which they gained by campaigning around very important issues, and they must take the public with them. If they get too far from their public support base, they risk leaving themselves with no one to turn to when they inevitably come under sustained and bitter attack from their enemies, especially those in the resources sector and the conservative media.

    This is the dilemma the Australian environment movement currently finds itself in. Desperate for wins after the miserable Howard years, the big, national conservation groups are now disciplined by state and federal governments who know how to keep NGOs “in the tent” and compliant. They have become risk-averse, fearful of activism, dominated by fundraising imperatives and locked into support for pathetic government policies like Rudd’s Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS).

    With the failure of international attempts to address climate change and the determination of State and Federal Governments to turn Australia into a simple, resource exploitation economy, the stage is set for environmental actors to step forward and take on the agents of destruction, some of whom are among the most powerful corporations in the world. They have an excellent argument, since what’s at stake is the future of the planet.

    Unfortunately, Australia’s big, national environmental NGOs, and especially their leaderships, are not up to the task. When the times call for community education and mobilisation, activist training, direct action and a host of other, newer forms of grassroots activity such as internet-based campaigning and viral messaging, the leadership is incapable of acting as anything other than a powerless insider. A quick look at the larger, national groups will show what I mean.

    The Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) and the Climate Institute have joined up with the ACTU and the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS) in the Southern Cross Climate Coalition (SCCC). In order to be acceptable to the ACTU (and business) ACF and the Climate Institute had to support the Rudd Government’s CPRS — a policy which was little more than a pollution incentive for business. When the Copenhagen Conference on climate change collapsed and the Rudd Government backed away from any attempt to address greenhouse gas reductions, the two environmental groups were left with no viable strategy and serious questions raised about their future direction.

    The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) is a slightly different case. It has always been a conservative organisation, friendly to business and with no activist base whatever, but with excellent scientific and research back-up. During the Howard years WWF became quite unpopular with many conservationists who thought they were far too close to the Coalition government. Nevertheless, WWF has a capable governing body with a wide cross-section of expertise and experience and will undoubtedly continue to play an important role as an environmental NGO.

    Meanwhile, for Greenpeace, the relationship between management and public support base is more complicated. Locally, Greenpeace has pizzazz, resources and the capacity to carry out well-organised direct action as well as the other, more conventional things a big environmental NGO does. Greenpeace Australia is currently in transition between CEOs so it is not certain at this stage what role it will play in the next few years. However, one thing is clear: Greenpeace will do what Greenpeace management decides it will do and much of that will come from its international organisation.

    And that brings us to the Wilderness Society itself. TWS has grown into a feisty, well-resourced organisation that knows how to back up its lobbying of government with solid community-based campaigns. It grew out of the failure to stop the damming of Lake Pedder and led the campaign to stop the same happening to the Franklin River. Nevertheless, it has been affected by the same bureaucratic tendencies as the other NGOs.

    It does have a very large membership (about 45,000), and includes state offices (Campaign Centres) across the country. However its fundraising is mainly run out of its national office and members are increasingly isolated from participation in the overall direction of the organisation. It does retain the loyalty of many of the more active environmentalists as well as those members of the public who admire its determination to protect wild places. The current internal conflict between its national office and its campaign centres about future campaign direction and a loss of confidence in its senior leadership have caused a hiatus in much of the group’s campaigning and if a new leadership takes over it will be interesting to see where they take it.

    The other national environmental organisation is Friends of the Earth (FoE). It is much smaller than the others and, while it is currently recruiting some promising young activists and has played an up-front role in certain campaigns, it has not yet grown into a major player.

    All of this would be of interest only to academics or insiders in the conservation movement if we were not facing the most dangerous and defining environmental challenge of our era — climate change and global ecological destruction.

    However, all is not lost. Around Australia, hundreds of local climate action groups have set up and are networking. Farmers and other rural dwellers are taking on the big corporations wanting to mine their high-quality agricultural land and dot the countryside with gas wells. The very size and urgency of the environmental challenges presented by these developments and the inevitable failure of governments to regulate them in the public interest will ensure widespread popular resistance.

    The new movement needs to capitalise on the fact that it is not restricted by the old Left/Right political binary, especially since neither conservative nor social democratic governments are capable of separating themselves from the powerful resource corporations. Also, the class-based character of the old Left and the productivist nature of most of its base in the trade union movement will make it difficult for them to be relevant. Only a movement that asks people to take sides on the sustainability/resource exploitation divide can provide a meaningful framework for these struggles and for the environmental crusade to come.

    Such a movement will still require large national groups who can connect with political power, add coherence to a campaign and provide scientific, policy, research and financial backing. If there is one thing to be learned from all the great wilderness campaigns of the past, it is that the chances of success are greatest when the movement has many foci — direct action affinity groups and professional lobbyists; grizzled community organisers and polished media performers; policy wonks and IT nerds — all part of a seemingly chaotic and potentially hostile mix but also a highly effective one.

    To embody this movement, the national environmental organisations will need to go through their own internal revolutions, but essentially these changes will involve a power shift away from management and towards the membership. There is no point expecting this from groups like the Climate Institute and WWF since these two have no hope of becoming member-driven organisations. There are only two environmental NGOs that can lead the new wave of environmental activism. These are the ACF and the Wilderness Society, being the only ones that have a large membership base possessing, at least in theory, the potential to drive their organisations.

    Both of these groups also contain organised dissidents who oppose the bureaucratic inertia, the fear of campaigning and the narrow focus on government that characterise each. These internal dissidents wish to change the internal culture and the leadership, but the issues are much wider than a few individuals; they go to the heart of the movement’s strategies and its ability to mobilise an effective resistance to the forces of environmental destruction.

    That’s not surprising — it is always questions of strategy that most fundamentally divide the Australian environment movement. In the case of ACF the strategy for the past 10 to 15 years has been to largely ignore its social base except as a source of funds, to focus on building alliances with powerful forces in Australian society and to persuade the ALP to enact the better part of ACF’s policies.

    Now, with the failure of this strategy and a new, more dangerous era for the Australian environment emerging, both organisations need generational change — but not just generational change. They need to re-discover the power that lies in inspiring, motivating, mobilising and empowering thousands of new environmental activists who will carry the movement forward.

  • Ship-breaking exposes Bangladesh to climate change threat

    Ship-breaking exposes Bangladesh to climate change threat

    AFP May 2, 2010, 3:46 pm

     

     

    Abul Kalam (R) standsin front of a shipbreaking yard in Sitakundu some 30 kms from the port city of Chittagong. Kalam survived the 1991 cyclone by hanging on to a coconut tree. Those who survived -- including Kalam and his wife -- owe their lives to the protection provided by the trees, which is why they are concerned about the deforestation they re witnessing around them.

    AFP © Enlarge photo

     

    SITAKUNDU, Bangladesh (AFP) – When huge waves hit Bangladesh’s sleepy southeastern Sitakundu coastline after a cyclone in 1991, shopkeeper Abul Kalam survived by hanging on to a coconut tree.

    Kalam’s parents, brother, sister and young nephew and niece were among the 138,000 people killed that May when a tidal surge from the force-five cyclone destroyed his family’s house and the tiny fishing village they called home.

    Those who survived — including Kalam and his wife — owe their lives to the protection provided by the trees, which is why they are concerned about the deforestation they’re witnessing around them.

    “In 1991 we survived, but now we are surrounded by ship-breaking yards, there are hardly any trees left,” Kalam said.

    “I hung onto that coconut tree for dear life. The waves were so strong they ripped my clothes off.”

    In just two decades, Sitakundu beach has been transformed from a quiet, leafy shoreline into a sprawling industrial hub, home to one of Bangladesh’s largest, most profitable and most controversial industries: ship-breaking.

    Thirty percent of the world’s condemned ships are recycled in Bangladesh, and the industry creates tens of thousands of jobs and provides three-quarters of the country’s steel — but at a serious environmental cost.

    “More than 40,000 big trees were felled in the last six months to clear the way for new ship-breaking yards,” Mohammad Ali Shaheen, the Bangladesh head of the Platform on Ship-breaking lobby group, told AFP.

    “Not only are the yards dumping toxic waste on the coast, they are also clearing forests that have been painstakingly planted and nurtured to work as natural barriers to cyclones.”

    Local environmentalists say Bangladesh is on the frontline of climate change and that rampant deforestation, particularly by ship-breaking yards, is making things worse.

    In the past five years, Bangladesh has been hit by two cyclones which left 5,000 people dead, displaced millions and caused three billion dollars worth of damage.

    “There is now hardly any forest left along a more than 20-kilometre (12-mile) stretch of Sitakundu coast,” said professor Mohammad Kamal Hossain, a forestry expert at Chittagong University.

    “The ship-breakers have gobbled up most of the plantations, showing scant regard to the government’s environmental laws.”

    Felling old growth forests is illegal in Bangladesh but laws are not enforced as ship-breaking is a billion dollar industry and yards owners are some of the country’s top business tycoons, he said.

    Ships broken up in Bangladesh also routinely contain materials like asbestos, banned in many countries.

    The government’s recent attempt to impose strict environmental standards on the industry ended with an about-face within three months after devastating strikes threatened the country’s steel industry.

    The proposed law, which required ships to be certified by the selling nation’s environmental authorities, was amended to allow yards to bring in ships on their own declarations that the vessels are free from toxic materials.

    But the 100 shipyards in Bangladesh — up from just 36 in 2008, with all the new arrivals on the Sitakundu coast — are damaging the environment in more ways than just through these toxic chemicals.

    “Thanks to these ship-breakers, poor villages along the coast now have practically no natural protection against cyclones. If a major cyclone like Sidr hits, I am sure there will be hundreds of thousands of deaths,” Hossain said.

    Cyclone Sidr, which had wind speeds of up to 240 kilometres (150 miles) per hour, hit Bangladesh’s southwestern coast in November 2007, leaving at least 4,000 dead and millions homeless.

    Experts said Sidr’s toll was far lower than the 1991 cyclone as the Sunderbans, the world’s largest mangrove forest, stood in the path and bore the brunt of the storm.

    “The wind speed of the cyclone of 1991 (which hit the southeast coast) was far less than that of Sidr. Yet its death toll was 35 times more,” Hossain said.

    Jafar Alam, president of Bangladesh Ship Breakers Association — a powerful industry group — admits that some shipyards have cleared forests.

    “But they are not our members. They acted individually,” Alam said, adding that his association had promised to help the government take action against ship-breakers who illegally encroach on forest land.

    Addressing attacks on the industry regularly offered by groups like the NGO Platform on Ship-breaking, he told AFP that such organisations were “the lackies of foreign governments talking nonsense”.

    “There were no major forests where we set up our scrapyards. There is no question of us causing environmental damages,” said Alam, whose association oversaw more than 80 percent of the 200 ships broken last year in Sitakundu.

    “We are an important industry. We employ tens of thousands of people and directly and indirectly our worth is around three billion dollars,” he said.

    “There are more areas we are planning to set up yards as business is really booming.”

    Such talk sends shivers down Jyotindra Jaldash’s spine. The 70-year-old fisherman who lives in a village along Sitakundu coast said watching his childhood home transform into a shipyard has turned him into a cynic.

    “When the ships first arrived here, I liked the look of them when they were moored. But now they are everywhere. They have killed all the fish, they have cut the forests, and soon, they will drive us all out,” he said.

     

  • Poor political skills doomed Rudd’s climate policy

     

    As opposition leader Rudd embraced the ratification of Kyoto as his climate change talisman and successfully forced John Howard, under public pressure and from within his cabinet, to cede ground on an ETS.

    Encouraged by climate scare campaigns on a global scale, which cast the Coalition as climate change deniers and environmental dinosaurs, Rudd relentlessly politicised the issue and exploited the overwhelming goodwill of the public.

    While political strategists attested to the power of using climate change to divide the Coalition and portray Rudd as forward-looking and modern, the Labor leader latched on to the ratification of Kyoto as the defining difference between him and Howard, who refused to ratify the protocol because he considered it to be against Australia’s economic interests.

    Rudd, while accusing Howard of delaying action on climate change, brought forward the implementation of his proposed ETS scheme to 2010 in contrast to Howard’s 2012 start date because “inaction cost more than action”.

    Only days after becoming Prime Minister, Rudd flew to Bali and ratified the Kyoto Protocol at a climate change conference amid much fanfare. People felt good something was being done.

    But the action was purely symbolic, an empty gesture designed to get Australia a place at the table of international climate change negotiation. But it led nowhere. Indeed, according to Oxford University research just published in the journal Political Geography, the embracing of the protocol “suggests that the symbolic power of Kyoto has created a veil over the climate issue in Australia at the expense of practical legislation and implementation of projects to physically reduce Australian emissions”.

    Oxford researchers Nicholas Howarth and Andrew Foxall argue that the “veil of Kyoto” actually hid much higher emissions than the Rudd government was admitting to and has led to an international failure. “The Kyoto Protocol has framed the politics of greenhouse gas mitigation in Australia. While we find it has exhorted a powerful international symbolic norm around climate change, its success at encouraging environmentally effective policy has been limited,” the two write.

    “The lesson from the 2007 election and subsequent events in Australia is a caution against elevating the symbolism of Kyoto-style targets and timetables above the need for implementation of mitigation policies at the nation-state level.”

    Rudd moved in the opposite direction, using inflated language about challenges to our children and grandchildren, the greatest moral and economic challenge of our time while inflating the role of international bodies, meetings and agreements.

    To delay passing the CPRS into law until after the Copenhagen UN climate change conference last December was, in Rudd’s words, “absolute political cowardice”, “absolute failure of leadership” and an “absolute failure of logic” that should not prevent Australia from leading the world on climate change.

    Unfortunately, between ratifying the Kyoto Protocol at the Bali climate change conference and preparing to be “a friend of the chair” at the Copenhagen conference Rudd had failed to convince a willing Australian public about the need and justification for an ETS, a scheme that would push up the price of electricity and transport and that would threaten jobs.

    The closer the government got to actually implementing a scheme that cut greenhouse gas emissions, the less convinced the public became about the costs and effectiveness of the CPRS. As Howarth and Foxall write: “As the inconsistencies between symbolism and policy become reconciled, Rudd faces the risk of alienating Labor from groups [that] favour strong action on climate change and those more worried about short-term prosperity being damaged by mitigation policies.”

    The Rudd scheme neither achieved greenhouse gas cuts nor convinced consumers and workers the risk they faced of increased household costs or job losses was worthwhile. Instead of systematically explaining the scheme and justifying the need for cost increases, Rudd turned climate change into a moral issue and got tied down in intricate, legislative detail and was distracted by foreign baubles. His penultimate failure was pushing then leader of the opposition Malcolm Turnbull and the Coalition over the political brink before he had a deal last year and his ultimate failure has been to just drop the CPRS without a fight or conviction.