Category: General news

Managing director of Ebono Institute and major sponsor of The Generator, Geoff Ebbs, is running against Kevin Rudd in the seat of Griffith at the next Federal election. By the expression on their faces in this candid shot it looks like a pretty dull campaign. Read on

  • Poor nations threaten climate showdown at Copenhagen summit

     

     

     

    The Copenhagen climate talks hit trouble tonight as a number of African countries indicated their leaders would refuse to take part in the final summit unless significant progress was made in the next three days.

    The showdown between rich and poor countries came as ministers began arriving in Copenhagen to take over negotiations. However, negotiators failed to reach agreement in key areas such as emission cuts, long-term finance and when poor countries should start to reduce emissions.

    More than 110 heads of state, mainly from developing countries, are due to begin arriving on Thursday for an intense 24 hours of final negotiations. Delegates hope for a deal on Friday that will ensure temperatures do not rise by more than 2C, and that hundreds of billions of pounds is pledged to help poor countries adapt to climate change. But tonight it appeared that many did not want to risk being pressured into signing an agreement they believe would be against their national interests.

    “The industrialised countries want to hammer out a large part of the deal on the last day, when the heads of state arrive,” one senior African negotiator told the Guardian on the condition of anonymity. “It’s a ploy to slip through provisions that are not amenable to developing country efforts. It’s playing dirty.”

    One added: “It is as serious a situation as it ever has been. It is more than probable many heads of state will not come if the negotiations are not complete. Why should a head of state come to sign an agreement that is basically a non-agreement?”

    High level Chinese and Indian representatives indicated they would be in Copenhagen, but they made clear they wanted key points agreed before they arrive. They also appear desperate to avoid a situation where western leaders jet in and steamroller the main points on the last day of the conference.

    Su Wei, China‘s top climate negotiator, said he hoped there would be no outstanding issues by the time his country’s premier, Wen Jiabao, arrived. “I hope the only question we will leave for leaders is how to pronounce Copenhagen.”

    Indian representatives also said their prime minister, Manmohan Singh, would come to the summit, but emphasised the urgency of having negotiators produce a text in advance.

    Jairam Ramesh, India‘s environment minister, said: “We are saying that heads of state should not be negotiating a draft text. We must have a draft text already finalised. The heads of state should come to leave their imprint on the deal.”

    The UK’s climate secretary, Ed Miliband, conceded there was some way to go before a workable deal was reached. “We’re now getting close to midnight in this negotiation and we need to act like it. That means more urgency to solve problems, not just identify them.”

    One key point of contention is the US and EU insistence that emerging economies such as India, China and Brazil agree to peak their emissions by 2020. Developing countries argue that this would lock them into poverty.

    Analysts say such hard driving tactics are typical of negotiations, but they resonate even more at the climate change talks, which are based on the idea that all 192 countries sign off on any agreement.

    “This is a consensus process,” said Janos Pastor, who heads Ban Ki-Moon’s climate change team. “If they are really meaning that they are going to boycott, and if they are going to do that, it’s serious. It would be a pity if a conflict meant that we don’t reach an agreement.”

    Rob Bradley from the World Resource Institute, said: “Nobody wants to have their prime minister arrive and then inform them they did not strike a deal to talk about. I can certainly imagine that some of those thinking that a deal is going to look bad for them are going to try to persuade their prime ministers from coming.”

  • Archbishop of Canterbury says fear hinders climate change battle

     

    “We are afraid because we don’t know how we can survive without the comforts of our existing lifestyle. We are afraid that new policies will be unpopular with a national electorate. We are afraid that younger and more vigorous economies will take advantage of us – or we are afraid that older, historically dominant economies will use the excuse of ecological responsibility to deny us our proper and just development.”

    Yesterday church bells in Denmark and other countries rang 350 times to represent the figure many scientists believe is a safe level of carbon dioxide in the air: 350 parts per million.

    Joining Williams at Copenhagen’s Lutheran cathedral was Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa and religious leaders from Tuvalu, Zambia, Mexico and Greenland. Williams, who led the ecumenical service, said a paralysing sense of fear and selfishness would deny future generations a “stable, productive and balanced world to live in” and instead give them a world of “utterly chaotic and disruptive change, of devastation and desertification, of biological impoverishment and degradation.”

    There was even a sense that people were not frightened enough by this apocalyptic vision and cautioned against this approach, saying it would “drive out one sickness with another.”

    “It can make us feel that the problem is too great and we may as well pull up the bedclothes and wait for disaster. It can tempt us to blaming one another or waiting for someone else to make the first move,” he added.

    But humans were not “doomed to carry on in a downward spiral of the greedy, addictive, loveless behaviour” that had brought mankind to this crisis and he urged people to scrutinise their lifestyles and policies and how these demonstrated care for creation. Hecalled on people to consider what a sustainable and healthy relationship with the world would look like.

    His message for conference delegates centred on trusting each other in a world of limited resources. “How shall we build international institutions that make sure that resources get where they are needed – that ‘green taxes’ will deliver more security for the disadvantaged, that transitions in economic patterns will not weigh most heavily on those least equipped to cope?”

    Williams has had a busy few week: railing against the UK government for its religious illiteracy, condemning proposed anti-homosexuality legislation in Uganda, grappling with fresh dissent in the Anglican Communion and travelling to the landmark environment summit.In an interview with Channel 4 News last Saturday Williams warned that there were no “quick solutions” to global warming and said that there was a finite amount that individuals could do to make a difference.

    He said: “I don’t think there are any quick solutions, any absolutes here, but I think these are the sorts of issues about energy use particularly, whether it’s travel or domestically, that have to be really up in front of our minds.”

    Foreign holidays were not an “easy call, frankly” while he decreed that everyone should use public transport as much as possible while at the very least enquire about ecologically sustainable travel.

    He said that high-energy consuming vehicles in a city where there were alternatives were an irresponsible way of dealing with the crisis.

    “We use a hybrid car for that reason as my official car in London. I’m also coming back from Copenhagen by train on this occasion rather than flying,” he added.

  • Where are we up to with draft texts in Copenhagen?

    Where are we up to with draft texts in Copenhagen?

    Blog Post | Blog of Christine Milne
    Tuesday 15th December 2009, 10:53am

    As we head into the final frantic days of Copenhagen, all the work has boiled down to draft negotiating texts for the two streams of negotiations – the Kyoto stream and the non-Kyoto stream (known as KP and LCA, or long-term cooperative action). The two streams were separated at the Montreal meeting, after the Kyoto Protocol came into force, as a way of keeping non-Kyoto countries in the tent, but, if there is to be agreement here, the streams must now be brought together in a way which will satisfy the competing interests of all the countries and negotiating blocs involved.

    A thumbnail sketch would show the world divided into three general blocs with broadly aligned positions:

    Monday in Copenhagen at 2.45pm.

    Blog Post | Blog of Christine Milne
    Tuesday 15th December 2009, 10:47am

    Crisis in Copenhagen: Climate Talks Suspended

    Tensions are rising as developing countries again walked out of the talks because there is no progress on the Kyoto Protocol discussions. Instead priority is being given to the Long term Co-operative Action track (known as LCA). Developing countries want the Kyoto Protocol to continue and they see the actions of the EU, USA and Australia in demanding simultaneous action from developing countries, as a move to dump the Kyoto Protocol. By prioritising the LCA track the President is seen as favouring the powerful developed countries. This is a very bad look for the Danish government and seriously undermines any likelihood of a “political” outcome, let alone a legally binding one.

    Australia‘s Reputation at stake on land use

    Talks in Copenhagen are going backwards on protection of forests and accounting from emissions from land use. It seems that negotiations at the level of officials are stalled and everything depends on the Ministers arriving this week.

  • It’s the poor who will pay for copenhagen circus.

     

    While public attention is focused on debates about emissions reduction targets and peak emissions years, it is in second-tier negotiations that green groups are having the greatest influence.

    A motley crew of negotiators representing Bangladesh, Bolivia, Ghana and India have put into technology transfer negotiating texts the scrapping of intellectual property rights necessary to attract private investment in the development of climate-friendly technologies that are needed to cut emissions.

    In deforestation discussions, greens are attempting to limit developing country conversion of forest lands to agriculture use that could achieve the dual purpose of carbon sequestration and poverty alleviation. And when they’re not thrusting themselves into negotiations they’re providing spectacles for the media such as last week’s Greenpeace resuscitation of a giant inflatable globe dying from a high temperature.

    The solution was for some activists dressed up as doctors to give needles to the globe injected with “adaptation finance”, “technology transfer” and “political will” wrapped up with some “international binding” in the form of bandages.

    On Tuesday an “angry mermaid” will award a business group the honour of being the most aggressive at “lobbying to block effective action to tackle the (climate change) problem”.

    But if there are businesses trying to stop an agreement they’re being awfully quiet.

    Text book multilateral institution conferences generally involve governments wanting negotiations to head in one direction, business in another and non-government organisations in a third.

    But in the Copenhagen conference all are swimming up the same stream because climate change provides the perfect marriage of the interests of big, green, non-governmental organisations, big government and big business.

    Over the weekend that bridged the fortnight’s negotiations, the Confederation of Danish Industry organised the Bright Green Expo that includes a trade show for companies to spruik their technology to reduce emissions.

    Wind farm manufacturers Vestas and Siemens have advertised in train stations used by the delegates to get to the conference centre.

    Big business isn’t fighting an agreement, it’s trying to find ways to explain why they are part of the climate solution so they can coax governments to regulate in their interests and attract subsidies for otherwise unviable commercial products.

    Not that big government minds because they can use climate change as an excuse to rein in the free hand of private enterprise and swell bureaucracy.

    The fact that the Australian government has 114 registered delegates, exceeding the size of India and Britain’s delegations, shows the bureaucratic regulatory threat of a Copenhagen agreement and policy instruments like an emissions trading scheme.

    The biggest opponents of a broad, sweeping international agreement aren’t business but poor countries because they know they cannot afford the green man’s burden.

    It is why attempts to get the Indian and Chinese governments to take on significant emissions reduction targets will fail because there’s no choice between two weeks of criticism from the 20-strong Australian Youth Climate Coalition delegates, against a lifetime of criticism from the billions of people who have to live with the consequences.

    The tragedy of Copenhagen is that the impact of any agreement on the world’s poor has largely been lost among the self-indulgent circus caused by rich country green activists who’d rather see themselves on television back home.

    Not that it should be a surprise. By comparison to the 21,000 Copenhagen observers,

    last week’s comparable World Trade Organisation Ministerial Conference in Geneva only attracted 500 observers who were broadly committed to securing an inter-national trade deal to promote poverty-alleviating free trade.

    The irony is that if there were as many people who cared about cutting poverty, the world’s poor would be better able to adapt to the consequences of climate change and there’d also be the economic resources to cut emissions and deliver a binding agreement at Copenhagen.

    Tim Wilson is director of the climate and trade unit at the institute of public affairs and is blogging from copenhagen at www.sustainabledev.org

  • Our Leaders are staging a scam in Copenhagen

    Mohammed Nasheed, the President of the drowning Maldives, said simply: “The last generation of humans went to the moon. This generation of humans needs to decide if it wants to stay alive on planet earth.”

    We know what has to happen to give us a fighting chance of avoiding catastrophe. We need carbon emissions in rich countries to be 40 percent lower than they were in 1990 – by 2020. We can haggle with each other over how to get there but we can’t haggle with atmospheric physics over the end-goal: the earth’s atmosphere has put this limit on what it can absorb, and we can respect it, or suffer.

    Yet the first week of this summit is being dominated by the representatives of the rich countries trying to lace the deal with Enron-style accounting tricks that will give the impression of cuts, without the reality. It’s essential to understand these shenanigans this week, so we can understand the reality of the deal that will be announced with great razzamataz next week.

    Most of the tricks centre around a quirk in the system: a rich country can ‘cut’ its emissions without actually releasing fewer greenhouse gases. How? It can simply pay a poor country to emit less than it otherwise would have. In theory it sounds okay: we all have the same atmosphere, so who cares where the cuts come from?

    But a system where emissions cuts can be sold among countries introduces extreme complexity into the system. It quickly (and deliberately) becomes so technical that nobody can follow it – no concerned citizen, no journalist, and barely even full-time environmental groups. You can see if your government is building more coal power stations, or airports, or motorways. You can’t see if the cuts they have “bought” halfway round the world are happening – especially when they are based on projections of increases that would have happened, in theory, if your government hadn’t stumped up the cash.

    A study by the University of Stanford found that most of the projects that are being funded as “cuts” either don’t exist, don’t work, or would have happened anyway. Yet this isn’t a small side-dish to the deal: it’s the main course. For example, under proposals from the US, the country with by far the highest per capita emissions in the world wouldn’t need to cut its own gas by a single exhaust pipe until 2026, insisting it’ll simply pay for these shadow-projects instead.

    It gets worse still. A highly complex system operating in the dark is a gift to corporate lobbyists, who can pressure or bribe governments into rigging the system in their favour, rather than the atmosphere’s. It’s worth going through some of the scams that are bleeding the system of any meaning. They may sound dull or technical – but they are life or death to countries like Leah’s.

    Trick One: Hot Air. The nations of the world were allocated permits to release greenhouse gases back in 1990, when the Soviet Union was still a vast industrial power – so it was given a huge allocation. But the following year, it collapsed, and its industrial base went into freefall – along with its carbon emissions. It was never going to release those gases after all. But Russia and the Eastern European countries have held onto them in all negotiations as “theirs”. Now, they are selling them to rich countries who want to purchase “cuts.” Under the current system, the US can buy them from Romania and say they have cut emissions – even though they are nothing but a legal fiction.

    We aren’t talking about climatic small change. This hot air represents ten gigatonnes of CO2. By comparison, if the entire developed world cuts its emissions by 40 percent by 2020, that will only take six gigatonnes out of the atmosphere.

    Trick Two: Double-counting. This is best understood through an example. If Britain pays China to abandon a coal power station and construct a hydro-electric dam instead, Britain pockets the reduction in carbon emissions as part of our overall national cuts. In return, we are allowed to keep a coal power station open at home. But at the same time, China also counts this change as part of its overall cuts. So one ton of carbon cuts is counted twice. This means the whole system is riddled with exaggeration – and the figure for overall global cuts is a con.

    Trick Three: The Fake Forests –  or what the process opaquely dubs ‘LULUCF’ . Forests soak up warming gases and store them away from the atmosphere – so, perfectly sensibly, countries get credit under the new system for preserving them. It is an essential measure to stop global warming. But the Canadian, Swedish and Finnish logging companies have successfully pressured their governments into inserting an absurd clause into the rules. The new rules say you can, in the name of “sustainable forest management”, cut down almost all the trees – without losing credits. It’s Kafkaesque: a felled forest doesn’t increase your official emissions… even though it increases your actual emissions.

    Trick Four: Picking a fake baseline. All the scientific recommendations take 1990 as the dangerously high baseline we need to cut from. So when we talk about a 40 percent cut, we mean 40 percent less than 1990. But the Americans have – in a stroke of advertising genius – shifted to taking 2005 as their baseline. Everybody else is talking about 1990 levels, except them. So when the US promises a 17 percent cut on 2005 levels, they are in fact offering a 4 percent cut on 1990 levels – far less than other rich countries.

    There are dozens more examples like this, but you and I would lapse into a coma if I listed them. This is deliberate. This system has been made incomprehensible because if we understood, ordinary citizens would be outraged. If these were good faith negotiations, such loopholes would be dismissed in seconds. And the rich countries are flatly refusing to make even these enfeebled, leaky cuts legally binding. You can toss them in the bin the moment you leave the conference center, and nobody will have any comeback. On the most important issue in the world – the stability of our biosphere – we are being scammed.

    Our leaders are aren’t giving us Hopenhagen – they’re giving us Cokenhagen, a sugary feelgood hit filled with sickly additives and no nutrition. Their behaviour here – where the bare minimum described as safe by scientists isn’t even being considered – indicates they are more scared of the corporate lobbyists that fund their campaigns, or the denialist streak in their own country, than of rising seas and falling civilizations.

    But there is one reason why I am still – despite everything – defiantly hopeful. Converging on this city now are thousands of ordinary citizens who aren’t going to take it any more. They aren’t going to watch passively while our ecosystems are vandalized. They are demanding only what the cold, hard science demands – real and rapid cuts, enforced by a global environmental court that will punish any nation that endangers us all. This movement will not go away. Copenhagen has soured into a con – but from the wreckage, there could arise a stronger demand for a true solution.

    If we don’t raise the political temperature very fast, the physical temperature will rise – and we can say goodbye to Leah, and to the only safe climate we have ever known.

    About Johann

    Johann Hari is an award-winning journalist who writes twice-weekly for the Independent, one of Britain’s leading newspapers, and the Huffington Post. He also writes for the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, Le Monde, Le Monde Diplomatique, The New Republic, El Mundo, The Guardian, The Melbourne Age, the Sydney Morning Herald, South Africa’s Star, The Irish Times, and a wide range of other international newspapers and magazines. Read more about Johann…

    Johann

  • The Copenhagen conference means life or death for the Maldives

     

    The Maldives is not alone: other atoll countries, like the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu and Kiribati are in the same boat. Other vulnerable states, particularly those in Africa which are prone to drought and harvest failures, and nations in Central America and Asia which could suffer stronger hurricanes and more extreme weather, also know that 1.5C is the key line for them. At the UN climate talks in Copenhagen, more than 100 countries are determined to hold the line on 1.5C.

    The problem is that time is rapidly running out. Senior climate scientists have been holding side events in the main conference centre, explaining what different temperature rises mean, and how emissions trajectories need to change to avoid them. When I asked Dr Richard Betts, head of climate impacts at the Met Office Hadley Centre, what would need to happen to restrain the temperature rise to 1.5C, his response was surprising: “The world would need to peak its carbon emissions by last Wednesday,” he said.

    Was Betts being facetious? Slightly — but he was also underlining a deadly serious point. “Well obviously we can’t be that precise,” he clarified. “But the truth is that according to some of our latest modelling work, to have a 50-50 chance of staying below 1.5C, we need to be peaking emissions round about now – this month or so.” And if we don’t, the chances of restraining temperatures to this relatively modest level quickly begin to diminish. If emissions go on rising for another decade, he told me, the window of opportunity for having a 50-50 chance of keeping emissions even below 2C also begins to close.

    The debate about whether humanity should aim for 1.5C or 2C is one of the most heated here at Copenhagen. Europe has been committed to 2C for a long time, and at the most recent G20 summit other big nations — including the US — also signed up. In the current draft of the text being considered by negotiators here, both 1.5C and 2C appear in square brackets, showing that they are still being debated. Few seasoned delegates expect the 1.5C to survive the week.

    For the last decade the US has been the primary bad guy — but now India and China seem to be assuming that mantle. India strongly opposes any mention in the negotiating text about when global emissions should peak, because it fears that any such commitment would eventually force it to have to take on a mandatory carbon emissions target itself: anathema to a developing country which plans to burn an increasing quantity of coal over future decades.

    India and China have for the first time offered numerical targets — but these refer only to emissions intensity (carbon released per unit of GDP) rather than absolute amounts of carbon. So China’s intensity cut of 45% will likely lead to a CO2 rise of 100% over the next decade alone. Nor is America’s offer much better: just 3% below 1990 levels by 2020 is worse than the target the Clinton-Gore administration signed up to 15 years ago at the Kyoto protocol meeting.

    Not everyone’s targets are inadequate. The Maldives (which I am currently advising) have pledged to be the world’s first carbon neutral country, achieving this by 2019. Costa Rica will be the second, by 2021. But if you add together all the targets offered by the main players, the eventual temperature rise will take us well over 3C: between 3.5 and 3.9C, according to the latest analyses. That’s still better than business as usual, which gives a likely temperature outcome of 4.8C. But it is hardly a safe climate either.

    In just five days’ time, the world will know which way it is headed – not because of any advances in climate science, but because heads of state gathering in Copenhagen will have made their decisions. A temperature rise of 1.5 is still just about possible, but not for much longer. On this, the fate of the Maldives, and many other countries like it, rests.

     

    • Mark Lynas is author of Six Degrees: Our future on a hotter planet, and adviser on climate change to the Maldives. He is also presenting a nightly live webcast from Copenhagen with the director of the Age of Stupid and founder of the 10:10 campaign, Franny Armstrong.