Author: Neville

  • New Theory Proposes Solution to Long-Running Debate as to How Stable the Earth System Is

    New Theory Proposes Solution to Long-Running Debate as to How Stable the Earth System Is

    June 10, 2013 — Researchers at the University of Southampton have proposed an answer to the long-running debate as to how stable the Earth system is.


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    Earth, with its core-driven magnetic field, oceans of liquid water, dynamic climate and abundant life is arguably the most complex system in the known Universe. Life arose on Earth over three and a half billion years ago and it would appear that despite planetary scale calamities such as the impacts of massive meteorites, runaway climate change and increases in brightness of the Sun, it has continued to grow, reproduce and evolve ever since.

    Has life on Earth simply been lucky in withstanding these events or are there any self-stabilising processes operating in the Earth system that would reduce the severity of such perturbations? If such planetary processes exist, to what extent are they the result of the actions of life?

    Forty years ago James Lovelock formulated his Gaia Hypothesis in which life controls aspects of the planet and in doing so maintains conditions that are suitable for widespread life despite shocks and perturbations. This hypothesis was and remains controversial in part because there is no understood mechanism by which such a planetary self-stabilising system could emerge.

    In research published in PLOS Computational Biology, University of Southampton lecturer Dr James Dyke and PhD student Iain Weaver detail a mechanism that shows how when life is both affected by and alters environmental conditions, then what emerges is a control system that stabilises environmental conditions. This control system was first described around the middle of the 20th Century during the development of the cybernetics movement and has until now been largely neglected. Their findings are in principle applicable to a wide range of real world systems — from microbial mats to aquatic ecosystems up to and including the entire biosphere.

    Dr Dyke says: “As well as being a fascinating issue in its own right, we quite desperately need to understand what is currently happening to Earth and in particular the impacts of our own behaviour.

    “Pretty much whatever we do, life on Earth will carry on, just as it did for the previous 3.5 billion years or so. It is only by discovering the mechanisms by which our living planet has evolved in the past can we hope to continue to be part of its future.”

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  • Leakage of Carbon from Land to Rivers, Lakes, Estuaries and Coastal Regions Revealed

    Leakage of Carbon from Land to Rivers, Lakes, Estuaries and Coastal Regions Revealed

    June 10, 2013 — When carbon is emitted by human activities into the atmosphere it is generally thought that about half remains in the atmosphere and the remainder is stored in the oceans and on land. New research suggests that human activity could be increasing the movement of carbon from land to rivers, estuaries and the coastal zone indicating that large quantities of anthropogenic carbon may be hidden in regions not previously considered.


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    The research, published in Nature Geoscience and led by researchers from the Université Libre de Bruxelles, the University of Exeter, Laboratoire des Sciences du Climat et l’Environnement, the University of Hawai’i and ETH Zürich, has for the first time shown that increased leaching of carbon from soil, mainly due to deforestation, sewage inputs and increased weathering, has resulted in less carbon being stored on land and more stored in rivers, streams, lakes, reservoirs, estuaries and coastal zones — environments that are together known as the ‘land-ocean aquatic continuum’.

    The study reviewed previously published data and showed that a significant fraction of the carbon emitted through human activity that is taken up by the land is not actually stored there, but in the aquatic continuum.

    Pierre Regnier from Université Libre de Bruxelles said: “The budget of anthropogenic CO2 reported by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) currently does not take into account the carbon leaking from terrestrial ecosystems to rivers, estuaries and coastal regions. As a result of this leakage, the actual storage by terrestrial ecosystems is about 40% lower than the current estimates by the IPCC.”

    The ‘land-ocean aquatic continuum’, has not previously been considered an important carbon sink. Future assessments of carbon storage must now take into account the surface areas of the land-ocean aquatic continuum to ensure accurate estimation of carbon storage. This will also require an improved knowledge of the mechanisms controlling the degradation, preservation and emissions of carbon along the aquatic continuum to fully understand the impact of human activity on carbon transfer.

    Professor Pierre Friedlingstein from the University of Exeter said: “Carbon storage in sediments in these rivers and coastal regions could present a more secure environment than carbon stored in soil on land. As soil warms up stored carbon can be lost to the atmosphere. The chances of this occurring in wet sediments are reduced.”

    A fraction of the carbon that leaches from land to the land-ocean aquatic continuum is emitted back to the atmosphere, while another fraction is sequestered in sediments along the continuum. Only a minor part, about 10%, eventually reaches the open ocean.

    Philippe Ciais from the Laboratoire des Sciences du Climat et l’Environnement said: “Our revisited global carbon budget which includes the land-ocean aquatic continuum is still entailed with significant uncertainties. It is however fully consistent with the observed growth rate of atmospheric CO2. Our downward revision of the land carbon storage is also in agreement with very recent results from forest inventories.”

    A significant part of the carbon storage thought to be offered by ecosystems on land — mainly forests — is thus negated by this leakage of carbon from soils to aquatic systems, and to the atmosphere.

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  • Trend growth – a heady mix of assumptions

    Trend growth – a heady mix of assumptions

    Garry Shilson-Josling, AAP Economist, AAPJune 11, 2013, 3:14 pm

    Let’s talk about the latest trend.

    No, not shoes, clothes, music, social media or smart phones.

    Let’s talk about the trend in gross domestic product.

    If it makes you feel better, be assured that GDP includes shoes, clothes, music, social media and smart phones.

    Along with lots of other stuff.

    Stuff made by people.

    People with jobs.

    Accordingly, the trend in GDP is important, more important than anything else, in creating jobs.

    More GDP equals more jobs.

    But that means too much GDP creates too many jobs, a squeeze in the labour market and, potentially, a surge in wage costs feeding through into rising prices and, Hey Presto, you have rising inflation.

    At least, that’s how it works in the nightmares of central bankers, and that’s important because central bankers decide whether interest rates are high or low.

    Too-fast GDP growth means rising interest rates, in order to slow things down, and too-slow GDP means falling rates.

    But just what growth rates for GDP would be seen as too fast, too slow or just right – or “trend” – is subject to a lot of guesswork.

    You have to guess how fast the population will grow.

    And the proportion of it in each age group.

    And the proportion of each age group active or “participating” in the jobs market.

    Then, once you’ve guessed all that, you need to guess how much stuff can be produced by each worker.

    To do that, you have to guess how many hours each worker will put in.

    And their productivity – how much they produce per hour.

    Put all those guesses in the pot, give it a stir and Bob’s your uncle, you have a trend rate of GDP growth.

    Chances are, it will be much like the average annual growth rate of the past few decades, somewhere in the 3.0 to 3.5 per cent range, depending on the time frame you’re looking at.

    Policymakers have become rather gloomy in the past few years about the trend growth rate from now on, though.

    First, we had a bout of slow productivity growth, largely the by-product of the mining boom.

    But in the past two years labour productivity growth has been at its fastest for a decade, so those fears – always overblown – have mercifully died down.

    And then there’s the ageing of the population.

    Older people are less active the labour market.

    That’s lowering the growth rate of the available labour force by about a fifth of a percentage point a year and, if nothing else changes, will reduce the potential or trend GDP growth rate by the same margin.

    But there are some cross currents at work.

    The participation rate for women, for example, is still inching higher, and so is participation by older workers.

    At last count in April, for example, 55 per cent of the 60 to 64-year-old age group was active in the labour market, compared with 47.5 per cent five years earlier.

    Those factors alone will offset much of the effect of the ageing of the population.

    And then there’s population growth.

    In the past two decades, mainly thanks to changes in immigration rates, working-age population growth has varied from 1.1 per cent to two per cent a year.

    It’s very easy for the government of the day to turn on the immigration tap, inducing a minor variation in the rate of immigration that would overwhelm the effect of the ageing of the population.

    Whether it will or not is another matter.

    But it’s too early to assume the ageing population has lowered the potential for economic growth over the coming few years.

    In their official forecasts these days, the RBA and Treasury are taking a conservative line and pencilling in three per cent as their trend growth rates.

    And, who knows, maybe their guesses will be right this time.

    But always bear in mind that they’re just that – guesses.

  • Human Deaths Associated With Tree Losses

    Human Deaths Associated With Tree Losses

    Posted: 10 Jun 2013 12:39 PM PDT

    A fascinating study published in the Journal of Preventive Medicine found an increased rate of death in areas where many trees had died due to an insect infestation. (The basic premise of the research is that having more trees around is good for human health.) The main culprits in the observed additional deaths were cardiovascular disease and respiratory disease.

    Image Credit: DonarreiskofferImage Credit: Donarreiskoffer

    ‘In the 15 states infected with the bug starting, an additional 15,000 people died from cardiovascular disease and 6,000 more from lower respiratory disease compared with uninfected areas of the country.’ (Source: PBS)

    100 million trees in a large number of US states have been lost  to the emerald ash borer, an invasive forest pest. While this kind of loss is often thought of as one that is an aesthetic one and therefore emotionally troubling, it appears it impacted public health as well. (Ecologically, it must of had a tremendous impact also.)

    One of the researchers explained the potential public health impact of trees, ‘Maybe we want to start thinking of trees as part of our public health infrastructure. Not only do they do the things we would expect like shade our houses and make our neighborhoods more beautiful, but maybe they do something more fundamental. Maybe trees are not only essential for the natural environment but just as essential for our well-being. That’s the message for public health officials.’ (Source: PBS)

    The study title is, The relationship between trees and human health: evidence from the spread of the emerald ash borer. Researchers from Pacific Northwest Research Station, U.S. Department of Agriculture Forest Service, Pacific Northwest in Portland, Oregon conducted the study.

    Climate change is likely to wreak major havoc on forests, including potentially increasing invasive infestations as ecological systems are put out of whack. Also, extreme weather events might increase forest fires. So are we in danger of losing our health when many trees are destroyed?

     

    Human Deaths Associated With Tree Losses was originally posted on: PlanetSave. To read more from Planetsave, join thousands of others and subscribe to our free RSS feed, follow us on Facebook (also free), follow us on Twitter, or just visit our homepage.

  • Corporate Carve-Up (monbiot)

    Monbiot.com


    Corporate Carve-Up

    Posted: 10 Jun 2013 12:14 PM PDT

    Under the pretext of preventing hunger, the rich nations are engineering a new scramble for Africa.

     

    By George Monbiot, published in the Guardian 11th June 2013

    One of the stated purposes of the Conference of Berlin in 1884 was to save the people of Africa from the slave trade. To discharge this grave responsibility, the European powers discovered, to their undoubted distress, that they would have to extend their control and ownership of large parts of Africa.

    In doing so, they accidentally encountered the vast riches of that continent, which had not in any way figured in their calculations, and found themselves in astonished possession of land, gold, diamonds and ivory. They also discovered that they were able to enlist the labour of a large number of Africans, who, for humanitarian reasons, were best treated as slaves.

    One of the stated purposes of the G8 conference, hosted by David Cameron next week, is to save the people of Africa from starvation. To discharge this grave responsibility, the global powers have discovered, to their undoubted distress, that their corporations must extend their control and ownership of large parts of Africa. As a result, they will find themselves in astonished possession of Africa’s land, seed and markets.

    David Cameron’s purpose at the G8, as he put it last month, is to advance “the good of people around the world”(1). Or, as Rudyard Kipling expressed it during the previous scramble for Africa, “To seek another’s profit, / And work another’s gain … / Fill full the mouth of Famine / And bid the sickness cease”(2). Who could doubt that the best means of doing this is to cajole African countries into a new set of agreements, which allow foreign companies to grab their land, patent their seeds and monopolise their food markets?

    The New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which bears only a passing relationship to the agreements arising from the Conference of Berlin, will, according to the US agency promoting it, “lift 50 million people out of poverty over the next 10 years through inclusive and sustained agricultural growth.”(3) This “inclusive and sustained agricultural growth” will no longer be in the hands of the people who are meant to be lifted out of poverty. How you can have one without the other is a mystery that has yet to be decoded. But I’m sure the alliance’s corporate partners – Monsanto, Cargill, Dupont, Syngenta, Nestlé, Unilever, Itochu, Yara International and others – could produce some interesting explanations(4).

    The New Alliance offers African countries public and private money (the UK has pledged £395m of foreign aid(5)) if they strike agreements with G8 countries and the private sector (which means, in many cases, multinational companies). Six countries have signed up so far.

    That African farming needs investment and support is indisputable. But does it need land grabbing? Yes, according to the deals these countries have signed. Mozambique, where local farmers have already been evicted from large tracts of land, is now obliged to write new laws promoting what its agreement calls “partnerships” of this kind(6). Cote d’Ivoire must “facilitate access to land for smallholder farmers and
    private enterprises”(7). Which, in practice, means evicting smallholder farmers for the benefit of private enterprises. Already French, Algerian, Swiss and Singaporean companies have lined up deals across 600,000 hectares or more of this country’s prime arable land. These deals, according to the development group GRAIN, “will displace tens of thousands of peasant rice farmers and destroy the livelihoods of thousands of small traders.”(8) Ethiopia, where land grabbing has been accompanied by appalling human rights abuses, must assist “agriculture investors (domestic and foreign; small, medium and larger enterprises) to … secure access to land”(9).

    And how about seed grabbing? Yes, that too is essential to the well-being of Africa’s people. Mozambique is now obliged to “systematically cease distribution of free and unimproved seeds”, while drawing up new laws granting intellectual property rights in seeds which will “promote private sector investment”(10). Similar regulations must also be approved in Ghana, Tanzania and Cote d’Ivoire.

    The countries which have joined the New Alliance will have to remove any market barriers which favour their own farmers. Where farmers comprise between 50 and 90% of the population(11), and where their livelihoods are dependent on the non-cash economy, these policies – which make perfect sense in the air-conditioned lecture rooms of the Chicago Business School – can be lethal.

    Strangely missing from the New Alliance agreements is any commitment on the part of the G8 nations to change their own domestic policies. These could have included farm subsidies in Europe and the US, which undermine the markets for African produce, or biofuel quotas, which promote world hunger by turning food into fuel. Any constraints on the behaviour of corporate investors in Africa (such as the Committee on World Food Security’s guidelines on land tenure(12)) remain voluntary, while the constraints on their host nations become compulsory. As in 1884, the powerful nations make the rules and the weak ones abide by them. For their own good, of course.

    The West, as usual, is able to find leaders in Africa who have more in common with the global elite than they do with their own people. In some of the countries which have joined the New Alliance, there were wide-ranging consultations on land and farming, whose results have been now ignored in the agreements with the G8. The deals between African governments and private companies were facilitated by the World Economic Forum, and took place behind closed doors(13).

    But that’s what you have to do when you’re dealing with “new-caught, sullen peoples, / Half-devil and half-child”(14), who perversely try to hang on to their own land, their own seeds and their own markets. Even though David Cameron, Barack Obama and the other G8 leaders know it isn’t good for them.

    www.monbiot.com

    References:

    1. https://www.gov.uk/government/news/the-uks-g8-agenda-increasing-trade-fairer-taxes-and-greater-transparency

    2. Rudyard Kipling, 1899. The White Man’s Burden.

    3. http://www.usaid.gov/unga/new-alliance

    4. You can see which corporations have made agreements with particular countries by reading the Cooperation Framework documents accessible here: http://www.feedthefuture.gov/article/food-security-and-g8-summit

    5. http://www.waronwant.org/overseas-work/food-sovereignty/g8/17893-stop-uks-multimillion-giveaway-to-multinationals

    6. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Mozambique%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG%20FINAL%20w.cover%20REVISED.pdf

    7. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Ivory%20Coast%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG_Final%20w.%20cover.pdf

    8. GRAIN, 11th March 2013. The G8 and Land Grabs in Africa.  http://www.grain.org/article/entries/4663-the-g8-and-land-grabs-in-africa

    9. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Ethiopia_web.pdf

    10. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Mozambique%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG%20FINAL%20w.cover%20REVISED.pdf

    11. World Bank, “World Databank”, http://databank.worldbank.org/data/home.aspx, cited by African Centre for Biosafety and others, 15th May 2013. STATEMENT BY CIVIL SOCIETY IN AFRICA. http://www.acbio.org.za/activist/index.php?m=u&f=dsp&petitionID=3

    12. Food and Agriculture Organization, 2012. Voluntary Guidelines on the responsible governance of tenure of land, fisheries and forests in the context of national food security. http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i2801e/i2801e.pdf

    13. Through its Grow Africa Partnership.

    14. Rudyard Kipling, as above.

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  • Alternatives to an Election on 14 September (Antony Green)

    June 10, 2013

    Alternatives to an Election on 14 September

    With renewed speculation that Kevin Rudd could return as Labor Leader, there has also been speculation that Julia Gillard’s chosen election date of 14 September could be dumped in favour of an earlier poll.

    The timetable for an earlier election is limited by the constitution, which makes August 3 the first possible date for a House and half-Senate election.

    If Kevin Rudd did become Prime Minister, the election date would come down to whether he wanted a quick rush to the polls on 3 August, or wished to spend time re-establishing his authority and sticking to the current election timetables for 14 September.

    A full list of available election dates between 20 July and 30 November is shown below. (See inside article.)

    The first thing to say about the current election date for 14 September is that it is only an intention by the current Prime Minister to hold an election on that date. The actual date is not set until the issue of the writ by the Governor-General on the advice of the Prime Minister.

    Section 13 of the Constitution prevents writs for a half-Senate election being issued before 1 July 2013. With the minimum 33 day election campaign, this means the first possible date for a House and half-Senate election is Saturday 3 August 2013. The election can be announced before 1 July but the writ initiating the processes for the election cannot be issued before 1 July.

    At this stage there is still time for an election to be held on 20 July or 27 July. An election on either date would be for the House of Representatives and the four Territory Senators only. A July election would require a separate half-Senate election in the first half of 2014.

    The major problem for an election on 20 or 27 July is the passage of the Appropriation Bills. These have passed the House but must pass the Senate before an election can be held. This timetable probably rules out an election on 20 July, leaves 27 July possible, but this late in the term, holding off until at least 3 August looks the most likely scenario.

    There has been comment in interviews this morning as to whether the Independents would support a change of Labor leadership. This does not really matter, as with the next two parliamentary sitting weeks certain to be the last before the election, a desertion by the cross bench members now is probably irrelevant. An active desertion, such as supporting an opposition no-confidence motion, would do no more than ensure the election is held at the earliest possible date on 3 August.

    If there is a change in Labor Leadership, and it chooses to stick to the 14 September election timetable, there is nothing to stop it doing so. Once the appropriate bills are passed this fortnight and the Parliament rises for the winter break, then the position of the Independents is not relevant with the Parliament having risen and highly unlikely to meet again before the election.

    The last Federal election was held on 21 August 2010, but the term of the House of Representatives is set by the date of the first sitting of the new House, not the date of the last election. The Constitution does not require the election to be held in August 2013.

    Section 28 of the Constitution states that Parliaments run three years from the date of the first sitting of the House of Representatives. The current House sat for the first time on 28 September 2010, so the House expires on 27 September 2013.

    Section 32 of the Constitution requires that writs for an election must be issued within 10 days of the House being dissolved or expiring. So if the House goes full term, writs must be issued within 10 days of the House’s expiry, which means 7 October is the last possible date for issuing writs in the life of the current parliament. With the maximum campaign period allowed by the Commonwealth Electoral Act, this means the last possible date for a House and half-Senate election is Saturday 30 November 2013.

    A half-Senate election is not required until May 2014, but it is normal to hold a half-Senate election in conjunction with the House election in the last twelve months of the Senate term. It would be highly unusual for there to be a House election on any of the dates from August without there also being a half-Senate election.

    The minimum campaign period for an Australian election is 33 days, meaning the writs are normally issued on the Monday after the weekend five weeks before polling day. The ‘Writ Issued’ column in the table below is based on this 33 day period.

    The election is usually announced a few days before the date listed below for the issue of the writ. Since 1990 it has been normal for the election to be announced on the weekend five weeks before polling day, with the writs issued on the following Monday. The exceptions to this rule were the 2004 and 2007 elections, which for reasons to do with parliamentary sitting schedule, were announced 6 weeks ahead of polling day with the writs issued half way through the following week.

    The last three polling dates listed in the table require extended election campaigns with the writ issued on or before the last constitutionally allowed date of 7 October.

    The table notes relevant holidays and sporting events that could clash with polling day.

    Possible 2013 House and Half-Senate Election Dates
    Writ Issued Polling Day Notes on Date
    17 June 20 July Would be a House and four Territory Senators election only. Would require a separate half-Senate election in 2014. This date is highly unlikely as it would require the Appropriation Bills to be rushed through parliament on 17 June with the House dissolved and writs issued the same day. An election cannot be held until the Appropriation Bills are passed. Further complicating the timetable, at this stage it does not appear that any Labor leadership change would have taken place by this date.
    24 June 27 July Would be a House and four Territory Senators election only. Requires the Appropriation Bills to be passed through the Parliament in the parliamentary sitting 17-20 June, with the second sitting week abandoned by the writ issue.
    1 July 3 August First possible date for the normal House and half-Senate election. Allows the last two parliamentary sitting weeks to go ahead.
    8 July 10 August
    15 July 17 August
    22 July 24 August Three years after 2010 election.
    29 July 31 August
    5 August 7 September
    12 August 14 September
    19 August 21 September School holidays, NSW, VIC, QLD. Note that the current Parliament is due to resume on 20 August, so an election after this date would require the Parliament to sit again,
    26 August 28 September Queens Birthday long weekend in WA
    Family and Community Day long weekend in ACT
    School holidays all states and territories
    AFL Grand Final day
    2 September 5 October Labor Day long weekend in NSW, QLD, SA
    School holidays all states and territories
    Rugby League Grand Final Sunday 6 October
    9 September 12 October School holidays WA, SA, TAS, ACT
    16 September 19 October
    23 September 26 October Last date to issue writ before House of Representatives expires.
    30 September 2 November Writ issued after House of Representatives expires.
    7 October 9 November Writ issued after House of Representatives expires.
    7 October 16 November Extended campaign, writ issued on last allowed date.
    7 October 23 November Extended campaign, writ issued on last allowed date.
    7 October 30 November Extended campaign, writ issued on last allowed date.

     

    Comments

    Hi Antony, wondering if you would do an analysis for us here in the public of what happened to the Labor vote in NSW when they switched leaders to Kineally and where they ended up, compared to what happened in the Queensland election where Labor opted to stay with Bligh. It’d be interesting from an analytical point of view to see what happens to the vote when you switch leaders, compared to when you stick with one that’s unpopular because of a perceived lie.

    Bligh made an error in the public service assets sale that she never recovered from which is very similar to what’s happened with Gillard’s carbon tax “promise”. I’m from Queensland so I’m not sure what the backdrop was in NSW where they continually switched leaders, but I’d sure be interested to look at these two scenarios that occurred from an analytical/mathematical point of view in what happens to the polling numbers.

    COMMENT: Leadership was irrelevant in NSW. The Labor vote barely moved after both leadership changes, and the approval ratings of both Rees and Keneally declined continuously from their initial high figures.

    Bligh’s rating bounced around in her last term and she was relatively popular given the size of the swing against the government.

    Posted by: Spin Baby, Spin | June 10, 2013 at 02:35 PM

    Antony if Rudd was to be reinstated by the ALP and Windsor (et al?) withdrew their formal support for the ALP wouldn’t that suggest to the GG that Rudd may not have the confidence of the House? If Rudd couldn’t demonstrate that confidence, ether by a vote on the floor or statements from enough of the INDs to give him a majority, wouldn’t he have to recommend to the GG an immediate HoR election (assuming all this happens pre 3/8) or force the GG to call one?

    Probably moot as a returned PM Rudd would likely go to a snap Poll anyway to minimise the impact of the Coalition campaign. However, if he decided to go long without Windsor’s support i would’ve that might be tricky.

    COMMENT: If Rudd returns as PM and the government is promptly defeated on the floor of the House, an immediate election means 27 July or 3 August, with the latter preferred because it allows a half-Senate election.

    Once Parliament rises, the role of the Independents no longer matters. The House will be dissolved for an election before it is due to resume at the end of August.

    Governor-Generals do not call elections, they accept advice to call them. A Prime Minister that continues to try and govern having lost a crucial vote in the House risks being dismissed, with a new Prime Minister being appointed to offer advice calling an election.

    Posted by: wonk_arama | June 10, 2013 at 03:09 PM

    Excellent analysis Antony, very useful. You mention that even if key independents desert the Gillard government immediately the election will still occur on 3 August. From what I understand above, for there to be a joint Half Senate and House of Reps election, parliament can not be dissolved before the 21st June. If it becomes apparent in the next few days that neither the ALP nor the Coalition has the confidence of the house, is the Governor General not obliged to dissolve the House of Reps immediately, forcing a July election? Or is it simply that there is enough time for the GG to delay dissolution by negotiating with the the various parties and independents until the 21st June deadline passes? Does the GG have the power to act unilaterally when a PM loses the confidence of the house and no only else holds it?

    COMMENT: I have no idea what this 21 June deadline you refer to is. The Governor General does not dissolve the House except on advice from the Prime Minister. It is a requirement that the Appropriation bills be passed through the Senate before an election is called. There is no need to dissolve the House until 1 July when the half-Senate writs can be issued.

    Except under the most extra-ordinary of circumstances, Governor-Generals do not negotiate with the parties to resolve deadlocks in the House of Representatives. It is the obligation of the House to sort out its problems.

    The House cannot be dissolved until the Appropriation bills are passed, as without the Appropriation bills, government will not be permitted to spend one cent of expenditure after 30 June. That means pensions, defence, elections, everything.

    This late in the term, the House doesn’t have to express confidence in anyone. If Gillard or Rudd lose a vote of no-confidence, they recommend an election. This late in the term of a Parliament, a loss of confidence leads to an election, not a change of government. The Opposition would offer the same advice as the government, call an election, so the Governor-General has no need to change her source of advice, so there is no requirement for the House to resolve confidence. It would be for the public to sort out the House deadlock via an election.

    Posted by: Noel K | June 10, 2013 at 04:39 PM

    Let me clarify. You wrote that writs must be issued within 10 days of the dissolution of the House. The 21st of June is 10 days before the 1st of July, the first date that writs can be issued for an election simultaneous with a half senate election. Therefore if the house is dissolved before 21st June, surely that means simultaneous elections are not possible due to the section 32 restrictions? Am I missing something?

    COMMENT: Yes. The government can dissolve then House and issue writs for 3 August at once, and then issue the half-Senate writs on 1 July. The minimum campaign period is five weeks, hence the 3 August date, but the maximum is about nine so you could issue House writs now.

    However, the House won’t be dissolved until all necessary legislation, including the budget, has passed the Parliament. The government would also be within its rights to request the House be prorogued pending the dissolution, but again you don’t do that until all required legislation has been dealt with. The Independents and opposition would be cranky at a prorogation, demanding the government move suspension in the House, but the government might find that criticism easier to deflect than cranky cross-benchers supporting opposition procedural motions in the House.

    Posted by: Noel K | June 10, 2013 at 08:07 PM

    Antony
    I was curious whether there might be an emergency way to obtain supply in Australia. In 1896 an incoming federal government (in Canada) did not have enough supply for the whole fiscal year as the final appropriation acts had not been approved. The new government under Laurier decided to use an emergency provision in what is now called the Financial Administration Act that allowed for Special Warrants to be issued by the Governor General to appropriate funds. My understanding is that the provision was supposed to have been used for a one-off emergency like a critical railway bridge collapsing but it was surprisingly used for all supply needed for the government and has been used off and on since then for all government supply usually during or subsequent to an election.

    COMMENT: I don’t think so, but previous elections have been deferred until the Parliament passes an interim supply bill. The appropriation bill has already been through the House, is due to go through the Senate in the next fortnight, so there is no need to create exotic financial instruments when normal funding is already in the parliament and ready to be passed before 30 June.

    Posted by: David Gussow | June 10, 2013 at 11:19 PM

    Hi Antony,

    Isn’t it possible for the election to be held on 28 September without the house sitting on 20 August? (I’m thinking about how long Rudd could push the election out without facing the independents)

    This is because the house could be dissolved more than six days (and up to ten) before the writs are issued on 19 August.

    The election could also be later than 21 September and not require the house sitting after 20 August if the writs were issued earlier and the election campaign extended.

    COMMENT: I can’t see why the government would put itself in caretaker mode any longer than it has to. There is also little suggestion that if Rudd becomes leader he would attempt too go longer than he has to before calling the election.

    Posted by: Casey | June 11, 2013 at 01:06 AM

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