Under the pretext of preventing hunger, the rich nations are engineering a new scramble for Africa.
By George Monbiot, published in the Guardian 11th June 2013
One of the stated purposes of the Conference of Berlin in 1884 was to save the people of Africa from the slave trade. To discharge this grave responsibility, the European powers discovered, to their undoubted distress, that they would have to extend their control and ownership of large parts of Africa.
In doing so, they accidentally encountered the vast riches of that continent, which had not in any way figured in their calculations, and found themselves in astonished possession of land, gold, diamonds and ivory. They also discovered that they were able to enlist the labour of a large number of Africans, who, for humanitarian reasons, were best treated as slaves.
One of the stated purposes of the G8 conference, hosted by David Cameron next week, is to save the people of Africa from starvation. To discharge this grave responsibility, the global powers have discovered, to their undoubted distress, that their corporations must extend their control and ownership of large parts of Africa. As a result, they will find themselves in astonished possession of Africa’s land, seed and markets.
David Cameron’s purpose at the G8, as he put it last month, is to advance “the good of people around the world”(1). Or, as Rudyard Kipling expressed it during the previous scramble for Africa, “To seek another’s profit, / And work another’s gain … / Fill full the mouth of Famine / And bid the sickness cease”(2). Who could doubt that the best means of doing this is to cajole African countries into a new set of agreements, which allow foreign companies to grab their land, patent their seeds and monopolise their food markets?
The New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which bears only a passing relationship to the agreements arising from the Conference of Berlin, will, according to the US agency promoting it, “lift 50 million people out of poverty over the next 10 years through inclusive and sustained agricultural growth.”(3) This “inclusive and sustained agricultural growth” will no longer be in the hands of the people who are meant to be lifted out of poverty. How you can have one without the other is a mystery that has yet to be decoded. But I’m sure the alliance’s corporate partners – Monsanto, Cargill, Dupont, Syngenta, Nestlé, Unilever, Itochu, Yara International and others – could produce some interesting explanations(4).
The New Alliance offers African countries public and private money (the UK has pledged £395m of foreign aid(5)) if they strike agreements with G8 countries and the private sector (which means, in many cases, multinational companies). Six countries have signed up so far.
That African farming needs investment and support is indisputable. But does it need land grabbing? Yes, according to the deals these countries have signed. Mozambique, where local farmers have already been evicted from large tracts of land, is now obliged to write new laws promoting what its agreement calls “partnerships” of this kind(6). Cote d’Ivoire must “facilitate access to land for smallholder farmers and
private enterprises”(7). Which, in practice, means evicting smallholder farmers for the benefit of private enterprises. Already French, Algerian, Swiss and Singaporean companies have lined up deals across 600,000 hectares or more of this country’s prime arable land. These deals, according to the development group GRAIN, “will displace tens of thousands of peasant rice farmers and destroy the livelihoods of thousands of small traders.”(8) Ethiopia, where land grabbing has been accompanied by appalling human rights abuses, must assist “agriculture investors (domestic and foreign; small, medium and larger enterprises) to … secure access to land”(9).
And how about seed grabbing? Yes, that too is essential to the well-being of Africa’s people. Mozambique is now obliged to “systematically cease distribution of free and unimproved seeds”, while drawing up new laws granting intellectual property rights in seeds which will “promote private sector investment”(10). Similar regulations must also be approved in Ghana, Tanzania and Cote d’Ivoire.
The countries which have joined the New Alliance will have to remove any market barriers which favour their own farmers. Where farmers comprise between 50 and 90% of the population(11), and where their livelihoods are dependent on the non-cash economy, these policies – which make perfect sense in the air-conditioned lecture rooms of the Chicago Business School – can be lethal.
Strangely missing from the New Alliance agreements is any commitment on the part of the G8 nations to change their own domestic policies. These could have included farm subsidies in Europe and the US, which undermine the markets for African produce, or biofuel quotas, which promote world hunger by turning food into fuel. Any constraints on the behaviour of corporate investors in Africa (such as the Committee on World Food Security’s guidelines on land tenure(12)) remain voluntary, while the constraints on their host nations become compulsory. As in 1884, the powerful nations make the rules and the weak ones abide by them. For their own good, of course.
The West, as usual, is able to find leaders in Africa who have more in common with the global elite than they do with their own people. In some of the countries which have joined the New Alliance, there were wide-ranging consultations on land and farming, whose results have been now ignored in the agreements with the G8. The deals between African governments and private companies were facilitated by the World Economic Forum, and took place behind closed doors(13).
But that’s what you have to do when you’re dealing with “new-caught, sullen peoples, / Half-devil and half-child”(14), who perversely try to hang on to their own land, their own seeds and their own markets. Even though David Cameron, Barack Obama and the other G8 leaders know it isn’t good for them.
www.monbiot.com
References:
1. https://www.gov.uk/government/news/the-uks-g8-agenda-increasing-trade-fairer-taxes-and-greater-transparency
2. Rudyard Kipling, 1899. The White Man’s Burden.
3. http://www.usaid.gov/unga/new-alliance
4. You can see which corporations have made agreements with particular countries by reading the Cooperation Framework documents accessible here: http://www.feedthefuture.gov/article/food-security-and-g8-summit
5. http://www.waronwant.org/overseas-work/food-sovereignty/g8/17893-stop-uks-multimillion-giveaway-to-multinationals
6. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Mozambique%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG%20FINAL%20w.cover%20REVISED.pdf
7. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Ivory%20Coast%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG_Final%20w.%20cover.pdf
8. GRAIN, 11th March 2013. The G8 and Land Grabs in Africa. http://www.grain.org/article/entries/4663-the-g8-and-land-grabs-in-africa
9. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Ethiopia_web.pdf
10. http://feedthefuture.gov/sites/default/files/resource/files/Mozambique%20Coop%20Framework%20ENG%20FINAL%20w.cover%20REVISED.pdf
11. World Bank, “World Databank”, http://databank.worldbank.org/data/home.aspx, cited by African Centre for Biosafety and others, 15th May 2013. STATEMENT BY CIVIL SOCIETY IN AFRICA. http://www.acbio.org.za/activist/index.php?m=u&f=dsp&petitionID=3
12. Food and Agriculture Organization, 2012. Voluntary Guidelines on the responsible governance of tenure of land, fisheries and forests in the context of national food security. http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i2801e/i2801e.pdf
13. Through its Grow Africa Partnership.
14. Rudyard Kipling, as above.
Hi Antony, wondering if you would do an analysis for us here in the public of what happened to the Labor vote in NSW when they switched leaders to Kineally and where they ended up, compared to what happened in the Queensland election where Labor opted to stay with Bligh. It’d be interesting from an analytical point of view to see what happens to the vote when you switch leaders, compared to when you stick with one that’s unpopular because of a perceived lie.
Bligh made an error in the public service assets sale that she never recovered from which is very similar to what’s happened with Gillard’s carbon tax “promise”. I’m from Queensland so I’m not sure what the backdrop was in NSW where they continually switched leaders, but I’d sure be interested to look at these two scenarios that occurred from an analytical/mathematical point of view in what happens to the polling numbers.
COMMENT: Leadership was irrelevant in NSW. The Labor vote barely moved after both leadership changes, and the approval ratings of both Rees and Keneally declined continuously from their initial high figures.
Bligh’s rating bounced around in her last term and she was relatively popular given the size of the swing against the government.
Posted by: Spin Baby, Spin | June 10, 2013 at 02:35 PM
Antony if Rudd was to be reinstated by the ALP and Windsor (et al?) withdrew their formal support for the ALP wouldn’t that suggest to the GG that Rudd may not have the confidence of the House? If Rudd couldn’t demonstrate that confidence, ether by a vote on the floor or statements from enough of the INDs to give him a majority, wouldn’t he have to recommend to the GG an immediate HoR election (assuming all this happens pre 3/8) or force the GG to call one?
Probably moot as a returned PM Rudd would likely go to a snap Poll anyway to minimise the impact of the Coalition campaign. However, if he decided to go long without Windsor’s support i would’ve that might be tricky.
COMMENT: If Rudd returns as PM and the government is promptly defeated on the floor of the House, an immediate election means 27 July or 3 August, with the latter preferred because it allows a half-Senate election.
Once Parliament rises, the role of the Independents no longer matters. The House will be dissolved for an election before it is due to resume at the end of August.
Governor-Generals do not call elections, they accept advice to call them. A Prime Minister that continues to try and govern having lost a crucial vote in the House risks being dismissed, with a new Prime Minister being appointed to offer advice calling an election.
Posted by: wonk_arama | June 10, 2013 at 03:09 PM
Excellent analysis Antony, very useful. You mention that even if key independents desert the Gillard government immediately the election will still occur on 3 August. From what I understand above, for there to be a joint Half Senate and House of Reps election, parliament can not be dissolved before the 21st June. If it becomes apparent in the next few days that neither the ALP nor the Coalition has the confidence of the house, is the Governor General not obliged to dissolve the House of Reps immediately, forcing a July election? Or is it simply that there is enough time for the GG to delay dissolution by negotiating with the the various parties and independents until the 21st June deadline passes? Does the GG have the power to act unilaterally when a PM loses the confidence of the house and no only else holds it?
COMMENT: I have no idea what this 21 June deadline you refer to is. The Governor General does not dissolve the House except on advice from the Prime Minister. It is a requirement that the Appropriation bills be passed through the Senate before an election is called. There is no need to dissolve the House until 1 July when the half-Senate writs can be issued.
Except under the most extra-ordinary of circumstances, Governor-Generals do not negotiate with the parties to resolve deadlocks in the House of Representatives. It is the obligation of the House to sort out its problems.
The House cannot be dissolved until the Appropriation bills are passed, as without the Appropriation bills, government will not be permitted to spend one cent of expenditure after 30 June. That means pensions, defence, elections, everything.
This late in the term, the House doesn’t have to express confidence in anyone. If Gillard or Rudd lose a vote of no-confidence, they recommend an election. This late in the term of a Parliament, a loss of confidence leads to an election, not a change of government. The Opposition would offer the same advice as the government, call an election, so the Governor-General has no need to change her source of advice, so there is no requirement for the House to resolve confidence. It would be for the public to sort out the House deadlock via an election.
Posted by: Noel K | June 10, 2013 at 04:39 PM
Let me clarify. You wrote that writs must be issued within 10 days of the dissolution of the House. The 21st of June is 10 days before the 1st of July, the first date that writs can be issued for an election simultaneous with a half senate election. Therefore if the house is dissolved before 21st June, surely that means simultaneous elections are not possible due to the section 32 restrictions? Am I missing something?
COMMENT: Yes. The government can dissolve then House and issue writs for 3 August at once, and then issue the half-Senate writs on 1 July. The minimum campaign period is five weeks, hence the 3 August date, but the maximum is about nine so you could issue House writs now.
However, the House won’t be dissolved until all necessary legislation, including the budget, has passed the Parliament. The government would also be within its rights to request the House be prorogued pending the dissolution, but again you don’t do that until all required legislation has been dealt with. The Independents and opposition would be cranky at a prorogation, demanding the government move suspension in the House, but the government might find that criticism easier to deflect than cranky cross-benchers supporting opposition procedural motions in the House.
Posted by: Noel K | June 10, 2013 at 08:07 PM
Antony
I was curious whether there might be an emergency way to obtain supply in Australia. In 1896 an incoming federal government (in Canada) did not have enough supply for the whole fiscal year as the final appropriation acts had not been approved. The new government under Laurier decided to use an emergency provision in what is now called the Financial Administration Act that allowed for Special Warrants to be issued by the Governor General to appropriate funds. My understanding is that the provision was supposed to have been used for a one-off emergency like a critical railway bridge collapsing but it was surprisingly used for all supply needed for the government and has been used off and on since then for all government supply usually during or subsequent to an election.
COMMENT: I don’t think so, but previous elections have been deferred until the Parliament passes an interim supply bill. The appropriation bill has already been through the House, is due to go through the Senate in the next fortnight, so there is no need to create exotic financial instruments when normal funding is already in the parliament and ready to be passed before 30 June.
Posted by: David Gussow | June 10, 2013 at 11:19 PM
Hi Antony,
Isn’t it possible for the election to be held on 28 September without the house sitting on 20 August? (I’m thinking about how long Rudd could push the election out without facing the independents)
This is because the house could be dissolved more than six days (and up to ten) before the writs are issued on 19 August.
The election could also be later than 21 September and not require the house sitting after 20 August if the writs were issued earlier and the election campaign extended.
COMMENT: I can’t see why the government would put itself in caretaker mode any longer than it has to. There is also little suggestion that if Rudd becomes leader he would attempt too go longer than he has to before calling the election.
Posted by: Casey | June 11, 2013 at 01:06 AM